| On Planning for Development:
decentralization and
privatization
On elites |
Decentralisation and Local Governance: benefits
and limits
But does decentralisation
always work? And which are the constraints of
decentralisation? For the process of decentralisation to be complete
and for it
to be successful, there are certain preconditions which may not exist
in a
country at a given time.
According to the UNDP
Human Development Report (2003), these prerequisites include:
1.- Effective state capacity;
2.- Empowered, committed and competent local authorities; and
3.- Engaged, informed and organised citizens and civil society.
Decentralisation requires
co-ordination between levels of government and more
regulation -not less- to ensure basic transparency, accountability and
representation. The state also has to raise adequate fiscal resources
to support
decentralisation. For the above to be achieved, effective state
capacity is
necessary. Furthermore, to ensure that the decentralisation effort is
not
hijacked by the local elites,
and there is broad based participation, both a
strong state and a mobilised civil society are required.
Corruption and Decentralization of
Infrastructure Delivery
in Developing Countries
Pranab Bardhan and Dilip Mookherjee - June 2001
Corruption and targeting failures in
the delivery of public services in developing countries has frequently
been argued to result from absence of controls on the behavior of
central bureaucrats delegated authority
over service delivery. This has motivated recent initiatives towards
decentralization of service procurement
and delivery to elected local governments expected to be more
accountable to user interests. However if
local democracy is prone to capture by local
elites, decentralization can also be subject to diversion and
targeting failures. This paper presents a simple analytical framework
to evaluate the resulting trade-off, and
predict the effects of decentralization on volume and allocation of
service delivery under different financing
mechanisms.
|
United Nations Development Programme - UNDP -
2003
Decentralised Governance for Development:
A Combined Practice Note on Decentralisation, Local Governance and
Urban/Rural
Development
Decentralised Governance, carefully planned, effectively
implemented and appropriately managed, can lead to significant
improvement in
the welfare of people at the local level, the cumulative effect of
which can
lead to enhanced human development.
Decentralised governance is not a panacea or a quick
fix. The key to
human development-friendly decentralised governance is to ensure that
the
voices and concerns of the poor, especially women, help guide its
design,
implementation and monitoring.
Decentralised governance for development (DGD) encompasses
decentralisation, local governance, and urban/rural development – three
areas
that may have distinct delineations and yet share attributes that call
for
greater conceptual and operational synergy.
DGD is a key area of democratic governance which in turn is crucial to
attaining human development and the MDGs.
For development and governance to be fully responsive and
representational, people and institutions must be empowered at every
level of
society – national, provincial, district, city, town and village. From
UNDP’s
perspective, DGD comprises empowering of sub-national levels of society
to
ensure that local people participate in, and benefit from, their own
governance
institutions and development services. Institutions of
decentralisation, local
governance and urban/rural development must bring policy formulation,
service
delivery and resource management within the purview of the people.
These
institutions should enable people, especially the poor and the
marginalized, to
exercise their choices for human development.
|
United Nations Economic and Social Commission
for Asia and the Pacific - UNESCAP - 2000
Socio-Economic Measures
to Alleviate Poverty in Rural and Urban Areas
"Rural poverty alleviation through economic and social development was
high on the state agenda in almost all countries of the Asian and
Pacific region during the second half of the twentieth century. To
achieve that goal, several development models were experimented with.
These ranged from state-driven import substitution to market-driven
export promotion models, from agriculture focused to infrastructure
focused models and from the trickle-down approach to directly focused
programmes. Several other policies, such as effective land reform,
development of irrigation and drainage systems, subsidized inputs and
credit facilities, human resources development and primary education
and health care services were also pursued to achieve economic and
social development. As a result, the incidence of poverty declined
during the 1980s and 1990s, but with sharp variations across the
region."
|
United
Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF) - 2003
Empowering the Poor. Local Governance for
Poverty Reduction
By Angelo Bonfiglioli - UNCDF Senior Technical Advisor
In order to better meet its own mandate to reduce poverty, the United
Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF) has, since 1995, come
through intense and far-reaching changes. Today, it is specialized in
two areas: support to decentralized public investments (through local
governance) and support to small-scale private investments (through
microfinance). The focus on these two areas allows UNCDF to ensure
the best possible impact on poverty reduction and on building capacity
of national and local stakeholders.
In local governance, UNCDF investments are meant to foster a
people-centred approach, promote good governance at the national
and local levels, reinforce human and institutional capacities, reduce
vulnerability, and protect the environment. UNCDF activities are also
geared to mobilize additional financial resources. In supporting
decentralized
public investments, UNCDF pursues the global objective of
poverty reduction.
The main concern is to ensure better access of the
poor to essential infrastructure and socio-economic services in the
sectors
of health and education, road transport, markets, water supply and
the management of natural resources. In addition, UNCDF recognizes
the need to promote participation at the local level, in order to allow
local populations to identify solutions that address the local context.
It
is necessary to ensure the effective participation of women in the
decision-
making processes, decisions that will affect their daily lives and the
future of their children and families. It is also important to ensure
the
participation of civil society as a whole and to build the capacities
of local
governments and local officials, so that public investments are managed
in the common interest
|
Fifth Global Forum on Reinventing Government
(Interactive Workshop :Decentralised Governance)- 2003
(UNDP, UNCDF, WBI and UN-DESA)
Decentralization and
Poverty Reduction: Does it Work?
In a forum, such as this, one is permitted, or indeed encouraged, to
ask questions for
stimulating dialogue. For example, what is decentralisation and how
exactly does it fit
into the sphere of good governance ? Further, if there are well known
prerequisites for
good governance, are there equally prerequisites for decentralisation?
If decentralisation
is embraced so clearly both by national governments, and donors, why is
progress,
especially in Africa, limping and fragile? Finally, and more crucially,
does
decentralisation affect poverty reduction, and if this is the case what
more can be done to
shore up decentralisation in developing countries? It would seem to us
that progress in
answering these questions would not only help to bring clarity to the
role of
decentralisation, within the sphere of governance, but would enable us
to see where the
links are between decentralisation and poverty reduction – a core
element in the
Millennium Development Goals, MDGs. Hence, as this is work in progress,
it is based
largely on field experience, on secondary sources, and on the
discussions and findings
from two recent workshops on the theme that UN-DESA was involved, than
on
systematic academic research.
|
M. Dulic, August 24, 2004
Is
decentralisation vital for poverty reduction?
search here
In a series of
development paradigms, decentralization that carries the premises of
democracy is one of the latest development strategies to reduce
poverty. According to the glossary (KIT Information and Library
Services, ILS, 2002), "decentralization is the gradual process of
transforming power and resources from central government to the lower
level of government, such as the regions, provinces, districts and
municipalities." Although this definition does not explain how
decentralization can reduce poverty, empirical evidence indicates that
decentralization provides better accountability and responsiveness.
When a society is decentralized, social capital has a better chance to
sustain itself and participation at different local levels gives a
community a role of a direct client and controller over the society's
own needs (Katsiaouni, 2003).
|
| The social effects of decentralisation
and privatisation: |
Chile - A. M. Arteaga - 2003
The brutal rationale of
privatisation
«Beyond euphemisms, privatisation of health, social security and
education operated by
neo-liberals has imposed a brutal rationale: depending on the amount of
money you have,
you will have so much health care, quality of education for your
children and pension
upon retirement. If you are privileged, you will have access to
privileged services. If you
are poor, you will have to make do with what the public system is able
to give you.»
Mexico - A. Sandoval Terán - 2003
Now the
responsibility lies with the individuals
Stabilisation and structural adjustment programmes adopted following
the foreign debt
crisis in 1982 have included the total or partial privatisation of many
state companies and
activities in various sectors: industrial, financial, agriculture and
stock-raising, mining,
infrastructure, communications, petro-chemical and even social
security. Along with
cutbacks in social expenditure associated with trends to privatise
public and basic services,
the «novelty» lies with the transfer of State responsibility to private
companies.
Chile - A. M. Arteaga-C. Ochsenius.-2004
Low-intensity democracy
Despite its economic stability and the substantial improvements that
the Government has achieved
in the rates of poverty and education, 52% of Chileans “feel they are
losing out, and 74% have
negative feelings about the country’s economic system”. This is no
paradox, since according to the
World Bank, Chile is among the 15 countries with the worst income
distribution in the world.
Things are not much better in politics, where the principle of “one
person, one vote” is not viable in
the “protected democracy” inherited from the military dictatorship.
Mexico A. Sandoval Terán - 2004
Rights and human
security to break the vicious circle
Neo-liberal economic policies generate multiple vicious circles of
human insecurity. One of these
circles (involving indiscriminate trade liberalisation, the crisis in
rural areas and migration) illustrates
the extent to which economic, social, cultural and environmental rights
are being violated. In
December 2003, following recommendations made in the Diagnosis of the
Human Rights Situation
in Mexico, President Vicente Fox made a commitment to set up a National
Human Rights Programme.
It is essential that the State addresses the question of rights by
taking a holistic approach that recognises
their interdependence, in order to start creating “virtuous” circles of
human security.
Chile- C. Pey, D. Donoso and L. Arellano - 2002
Growth without equity
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Chile shows paradoxical
characteristics. While Chile
is being touted as a champion of economic liberalisation, the country
is finding that the free trade
measures adopted are not reactivating its economy or reducing the
persistent and high
unemployment rate and the serious and prevailing inequality. The
private sector is not receptive
to monetary and tax incentives, and the old government is financing
thousands of emergency
jobs, an intervention that reminds us of the hardest times of the
1980s.
Mexico - A. Sandoval Terán - 2002
Priorities of the
Vicente Fox government
To generate more resources for social development, Mexican President
Vincente Fox promoted
a regressive tax reform during 2001. The real objective was to achieve,
at any price, a lower level
of public debt, as demanded by the international financing agencies.
While social development
is not a priority, payment and redemption of public debt are ensured.
Chile - L. Arellano - D. Donoso - C. Pey - 2001
Stagnant and
disenchanted
In 2000, the countries of the region were strongly affected by a
variety of problems: the
political crisis in Peru; sharp social unrest in Bolivia, which
literally paralyzed the country;
and the strong financial, political, ethical and social crisis
affecting Argentina. In this
company, Chile appears to be an exception, demonstrating a “healthy
economy” and
political stability.
Mexico - R. Aguilera - A. Sandoval Terán - 2001
Among the most unequal
At the 1995 Social Summit in Copenhagen, countries committed themselves
to policies
and programs to promote and protect equal opportunity and overcome
disparities in
wealth, both within and among nations. The fourth commitment
specifically addresses
promotion of social integration based on equality and respect for human
dignity. Despite
some progress, “Mexico is among the 15 countries with the worst
concentration of
income in the world.”2
Chile - D. Donoso - M. Hidalgo - O. Torres - 2000
Precarious progress
The weight and presence of transnational capital in the
Chilean economy has kept growing, however, and the
decisions and interests of those who control this capital are
becoming more powerful in determining not only the
economic, but also the social, political and cultural
structure and dynamics of Chile.
Mexico - A. Sandoval Terán - 2000
Much ado about nothing
Guerrero and Oaxaca, are only some of the indicators that
little progress has been made toward fulfilling commitments
made at Copenhagen and Beijing.
During the administration of President Ernesto Zedillo, the
government has taken various legislative, economic policy and
social measures and has plans and programmes to solve the
problems of social development. These measures have not achieved
their objectives or done so insufficiently; some have even resulted
in greater impoverishment of the population.
Chile - X. Valdés - 1998
Inequality: the
latest data
Chile has followed this tendency. It has maintained annual
growth rates of higher than 7%. The income share of the poorest
40% of households remained the same, while the richest 10% of
households increased their share of the total income from 1990 to
1994, according to ECLAC figures. This situation was unchanged
in 1996.
Towards the end of 1996, MIDEPLAN carried out the CASEN
survey for the sixth time. This survey measures the development
of income distribution, poverty and mployment in the country
from 1987 onwards. The latest results of this survey show the
following:...
Mexico = S. Cruickshank - M. Purcell - 1998
More poor than 15
years ago
For 69 years Mexico has been governed by a single party, the
Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Although there have been
opposition parties (with a growing presence since the mid–eighties),
the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government
have been controlled by the PRI throughout this period.
In 1996, after a series of negotiations among the country’s
principal political parties, an electoral reform law was passed by
the PRI without the support of the opposition parties. The latter
insisted on more far–reaching reforms in areas that the PRI was
not willing to cede. An important limitation of the reform was its
strict focus on «leveling the playing field» among political parties
only, leaving organised civil society out of consideration. Concrete
proposals for building a more accessible democracy for all – including
legal recognition of plebiscites and referendums, for example
– were disregarded. Thus, while advances were made in
terms of greater equity among political parties, there is still a
long way to go in terms of improving equal access to democracy
among civil society at large.
Chile - X. Valdés - T. Valdés - J. Bengoa - 1997
Economic growth and
poverty
Economic growth has once again fallen into income concentration,
which, even though not reversed, had come to a halt in
the 1990–1992 period, when there were no substantial variations
in the sharing–out of wealth between the different social
sectors. The homes of the richest fifth of the population took
nearly a whole point more of the total wealth in 1994 compared
with 1992, while the poorest homes became poorer by
nearly the same amount.
Mexico - C. Casabuenas - C. Heredia - M. Purcell - 1997
Diagnosis of poverty
and inequality
During 1996 the social situation continued to deteriorate. Although
macroeconomic indicators evolved more favourably than
in disastrous 1995, most people’s standard of living worsened.
Since 1982, when structural adjustment policies were introduced,
mean income growth per capita has been less than the average
population growth. The economic model and the growing external
debt turned Mexico into a country of debtors with scant possibilities
for productive work and for generating the income to cover
costs. Employment is falling and the cost of living is increasing.
In a recent survey, when people were asked «For you, economically,
1996 has been», 50% of individuals surveyed answered
«worse than 1995», 26% «the same as 1995», and only 24% «better
than 1995».
|
June, 2004
Reforming Infrastructure:
Privatization, Regulation, and Competition
Credible Regulation
Vital For Infrastructure Reform To Reduce Poverty, Says World Bank |
Documents and Reports from the World Bank archives: |
From The World Bank
Venezuela - Public
Sector Legislative and Administrative Modernization Project Vol. 1 of 1
(2004)
The ratings for the project were as follows: the outcome was
unsatisfactory, the sustainability was unlikely, the institutional
development impact was negligible, and the Bank and borrower
performance were both unsatisfactory. The lessons learned indicate that
the Bank should be more sensitive to the political changes taking place
in a country, in order to analyze the implications, moreover when the
Project has not been approved, signed or implementation has not begun.
When a project restructuring is needed, the Bank should agree with the
Government on a time-bound action plan, with specific benchmarks and
milestones, in order to avoid never-ending discussions. Whenever
changes occur at the level of a minister or vice minister of the
executing agency, the task team should take the initiative to approach
the new authorities, clarify any doubts that they could have about the
Project, and make special efforts to involve and commit them to the
process. Project approval or signing around the time of a Presidential
election or inauguration may be highly counterproductive even for the
best technically designed operation. While the continuity of task
manager may assist in the generation of sound technical proposals at
the design stage, the frequent changes at the time of supervision may
erode the quality of the constant dialogue and follow up required for
Project implementation to proceed smoothly. Participation and
consultation are not exhausted during the preparation. The Bank should
coordinate closely its decision-making process with multilateral or
bilateral partners, in order to take joint decisions at the project
design or implementation stages.
|
From The World Bank
Brazil - Country
assistance evaluation Vol. 1 of 1 (2004)
This Country Assistance Evaluation (CAE) reviews key aspects of the
Bank's program in Brazil, based on the central objective of the Bank's
assistance to Brazil in the 1990s and early 2000: poverty alleviation.
The strategy became more selective, focusing on the poor Northeast and
on activities expected to address directly the roots of poverty. The
growth element of the strategy supported the Government 's
decentralization, and privatization of infrastructure through technical
assistance, in regulation and selective lending, while assistance to
the environment expanded significantly in the 1990s focused on green
issues. At the end of the 1990s, the Bank shifted to adjustment lending
to assist the Government in its stabilization and reform efforts. The
Bank's assistance program to Brazil produced a sufficient mass of
positive outcomes to be rated as satisfactory. The program contributed
only modestly to the decline in income poverty rates - the gains
resulted primarily from eliminating high inflation - and, the program
contributed only indirectly, by helping the Government sustain
stabilization at the end of the decade. However, the program
contributed importantly to the impressive improvement in social
indicators, and to the expanded access of the rural, and urban poor to
basic infrastructure, and, the education gains will likely translate
into reduced poverty and inequality. Nevertheless, in going forward,
these gains will need to be enhanced for Brazil to achieve further
reductions in poverty and inequality. Moreover, policies must maintain
fiscal discipline to ensure access to external finance, keep inflation
low, and prevent an erosion of the gains of the 1990s, including
completing tax, social security, and financial sector reforms
considered critical.
|
From The World Bank
International
political risk management : the brave new world Vol. 1 of 1 (2004)
Part One provides a first look from the "supply side" at the reaction
of the political risk insurance market to September 11, 2001, the
Argentine economic crisis, and other recent corporate upheavals. This
section starts off with the public provider's perspective, provided by
Vivian Brown, Chief Executive of the U.K.'s Export Credits Guarantee
Department (ECGD) and President of the Berne Union.
Part Two explores the reactions of investors and lenders to the recent
upheavals in the global economy. It pays particular attention to the
problems confronting large infrastructure projects, in which purchase
agreements are guaranteed by the host country, and revenues are
denominated in local currency. It examines how political risk insurance
can help lenders to return to financing infrastructure development in
emerging markets, and asks to what extent investors and lenders need
new products or new kinds of coverage to deal with currency crises.
Part Three brings together Felton "Mac" Johnston, President, FMJ
International Risk; Charles Berry, Chairman, Berry, Palmer & Lyle
Limited; and Witold Henisz and Bennet Zelner, Assistant Professors at
Wharton and Georgetown University respectively. Additional commentary
is provided by David Bailey, Vice President, Sovereign Risk Insurance
Ltd. and Edith Quintrell, Manager, Insurance, at the Overseas Private
Investment Corporation, who provide perspectives on how the political
risk insurance industry might evolve to meet the needs of insurers and
reinsurers, on the one hand, and investors and lenders, on the other.
|
From The World Bank
Subnational capital markets in developing
countries : from theory to practice
Vol. 1 of 1 (2004)
Editors: Mila Freire and John Petersen with Marcela Huertas and Miguel
Valadez
In developing countries the twin tasks of building more dispersed and
democratic governments and opening economies to freer markets and
greater private ownership have been attempted in tandem-and have proved
a difficult undertaking. A reduction in barriers to the movement of
capital and goods has been a nearly universal objective. However,
implementation of the required reforms has meant tough competition for
domestic industries and increasing constraints on the fiscal and
monetary policies of national governments. In the face of economic
slowdowns and unstable financial markets, many emerging and developing
economies have found privatization and the opening up of their
economies to be painful and unpopular. The steep price and uncertain
benefits of joining global markets have their critics. Subnational
governments, for their part, are being required to do more things, to
do them more efficiently, and to be more self-reliant in raising
resources. At the same time devolution and hard-pressed budgets have
constrained the ability of central governments to provide for the needs
of subnational governments. After years of neglect and with
expectations rising, the needs for infrastructure are particularly
daunting. The enormous funding requirements cannot be met either
practically or equitably without long-term investment. International
lending and grant-giving institutions, another traditional source of
funds, are also limited in their resources and restricted by rules and
customary practice to dealing only through sovereign governments.
|
| Turkey - Greater prosperity with social justice policy
notes Vol. 1 of 1 (2003) |
| Turkey - Greater prosperity with social justice policy
notes Vol. 1 of 1 (Turkish)(2003) |
| Ethiopia - Economic Rehabilitation Support Credit
Project Vol. 1 of 1 (2003) |
| Mozambique - Public expenditure review : Phase 2 -
sectoral expenditures Vol. 1 of 1 (2003) |
| Pakistan - Structural Adjustment Credit for the
Government of Sindh Province Vol. 1 of 1 (2003) |
| Slovak Republic - Joining the EU : a development
policy review Vol. 1 of 1 (2003) |
| Indonesia - Suralaya Thermal Power Project and
Sumatera and Kalimantan Power Project Vol. 1 (2003) |
| Rural extension services Vol. 1 (2003) |
| Benin - Under the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor
Countries (HIPC) Initiative (Completion Point Document) Vol. 1 (2003)
|
| The effects of a fee-waiver program on health care
utilization among the poor : evidence from Armenia Vol. 1 (2003) |
| Niger - Country assistance strategy Vol. 1 (2003) |
| Slovak Republic - Development policy review Vol. 1 of
2 / Summary report (2002) |
| Slovak Republic - Development policy review Vol. 2 of
2 / Main report (2002) |
| Romania - Building institutions for public expenditure
management : reforms, efficiency and equity - a Public Expenditure and
Institutions Review Vol. 1 (2002) |
| Vietnam - Agricultural Rehabilitation Project Vol. 1
(2022) |
| Assistance to transition economies : were there
alternatives ? Vol. 1 of 1 (2002) |
| |
| Pakistan - Sindh Structural Adjustment Credit Project
Vol. 1 (2002) |
| Guinea - Decentralized Rural Electrification Project
Vol. 1 (2002) |
| Congo, Republic of - Transparency and Governance
Capacity Building Project Vol. 1 (2002) |
| Slovak Republic - Development policy review Vol. 2 of
2 / Main report (Slovak)(2002) |
| Indonesia - Development policy review : the imperative
for reform Vol. 1 (2001) |
| Breaking up the collective farm : welfare outcomes of
Vietnam ' s massive land privatization Vol. 1 (2001) |
| Venezuela - Public Sector Legislative and
Administrative Modernization Project Vol. 1 (2001) |
| The development of property taxation in economies in
transition - case studies from Central and Eastern Europe Vol. 1 (2001)
|
| Transition 12 (3) Vol. 1 (2001) |
| Technical efficiency gains from port reform : the
potential for yardstick competition in Mexico Vol. 1 (2001) |
| Transition 12 (1) Vol. 1 (2001) |
| Integration of transport and trade facilitation :
selected regional case studies Vol. 1 (2001) |
| Transition 11 (6) Vol. 1 (2001) |
From The World Bank
Report on the meeting
of the Latin American and Caribbean Forum on Poverty, Inequality, and
Vulnerability : Buenos Aires, October 19-20, 1998 Vol. 1 (2000)
This report summarizes the discussions from the "Forum on Poverty,
Inequality, and Vulnerability," organized in Buenos Aires, Argentina,
on October 19-20, 1998, by the World Bank's Latin America and the
Caribbean Region (LAC), the World Bank Institute, and the team working
on the Bank's "World Development Report on Poverty and Development."
The forum emphasized that inequality is the central factor of the
poverty problem in Latin America, and upheld the need to persevere
against it. Other presentations focused on the different policy options
available to improve poor people's access to basic services; discussed
experience gained in the region while applying four
options--decentralization, privatization, participation, and
public-private partnerships; and proposed an analytic framework. Also
stressed was the importance of understanding how labor markets function
and the labor market crisis in the 1990s. Employment was identified as
a principal poverty-fighting mechanism; education and training was the
most efficient path to stable employment. The World Bank Report on
Poverty and Development 2000/1 was also unveiled. Session leaders
underscored the report's innovative methodology, preparation, and
participation (the drafting team was multidisciplinary, with extensive
female participation and non-Bank staff). Because poverty levels
continue to be unacceptable, other actions, such as modifying income
determinants, and instituting income-transfer policies must occur.
|
| Sri Lanka - Recapturing missed opportunities Vol. 1
(2000) |
| Indonesia - Public spending in a time of change Vol. 1
(2000) |
| The political economy of infrastructure investments in
Nigeria Vol. 1 of 1 / The political economy of infrastructure
investments in Nigeria (2000) |
| Indonesia - Public spending in a time of change Vol. 1
(2000) |
| Guatemala - Expenditure reform in a post-conflict
country Vol. 1 (2000) |
| India - Policies to reduce poverty and accelerate
sustainable development Vol. 1 (2000) |
| India : reducing poverty, accelerating development
Vol. 1 (2000) |
| Tanzania - Public Sector Reform Program Project Vol. 1
(1999) |
| Privatization and regulation of the seaport industry
Vol. 1 (1999) |
| Madagascar - An agenda for growth and poverty
reduction Vol. 1 (1999) |
| The Russian city in transition - the first six years
in ten Volga capitals Vol. 1 (1999) |
| Financing higher education in Africa : Makerere, the
quiet revolution Vol. 1 (1999) |
| Lithuania - Country assistance strategy Vol. 1 (1999)
|
| Senegal - Agricultural Services and Producer
Organizations Project Vol. 1 (1999) |
| Light and lightning at the end of the public tunnel :
reform of the electricity sector in the Southern Cone Vol. 1 (1999)
|
| Reforming Bolivia ' s power sector Vol. 1 of 1 / La
reforma del sector electrico de Bolivia (1999) |
| Reforming Bolivia ' s power sector Vol. 1 of 1 /
Reforme du secteur de l ' electricite en Bolivie (1999) |
| Reforming Bolivia ' s power sector Vol. 1 (1999) |
| Southern African agribusiness : gaining through
regional collaboration Vol. 1 (1999) |
| Madagascar - An agenda for growth and poverty
reduction : country economic memorandum Vol. 1 (1998) |
| The transport sector in Mexico : an evaluation Vol. 1
(1998) |
| Reforming the Russian electricity sector Vol. 1 (1998)
|
| Zimbabwe - Agricultural Services and Management
Project (ASMP) Vol. 1 (1998) |
| Venezuela - Public Sector Modernization and
Decentralization Project Vol. 1 (1998) |
| Concessions for infrastructure : a guide to their
design and award Vol. 1 (1998) |
From The World Bank
The case-by-case
approach to privatization : techniques and examples Vol. 1 (1998)
Most privatization programs outside the transition economies take a
case-by-case approach. Governments move control of state enterprises to
the private sector, usually one at a time, using domestic and
international public offerings, trade (third-party) sales, or a
combination of the two (a mixed sale). The case-by-case approach allows
government to pay close attention to the policy issues surrounding
privatization. It also allows structure privatizations to bring in
needed foreign capital, knowledge, and market connections; and
maximizes the financial returns from privatization. Drawing on global
experience, this paper provides practical guidance to government
officials charged with managing case-by-case privatization programs. It
identifies the five key steps in case-by-case privatization, describes
sale options and the processes for carrying them out, and examines
special conditions, such as golden shares. It then outlines how
governments should undertake case-by-case privatization, identifying
basic principles and common challenges, describing various methods for
valuing state enterprises, and explaining the role of financial
advisers and sales agents in valuing privatization candidates and
developing options for sale.
|
| Zimbabwe - Agricultural Services and Management
Project Vol. 1 (1998) |
| 1995 and 1997 questionnaires - Nicaragua school
autonomy reform Vol. 1 (1998) |
| |
| India
- Haryana Power Sector Restructuring Project Vol. 1 (1997) |
| Private ownership and corporate performance : some
lessons from transition economies Vol. 1 (1997) |
| Albania - Enterprise and Financial Sector Adjustment
Credit Vol. 1 (1997) |
| Jamaica - Public Sector Modernization Project Vol. 1
(1997) |
| Venezuela - Public Sector Modernization and
Decentralization (PSMoD) Vol. 1 (1997) |
| Laos - Priorities for rural infrastructure development
Vol. 1 (1997) |
| A framework for reforming urban land policies in
developing countries Vol. 1 (1996) |
| Jamaica - Public Sector Modernization Project Vol. 1
(1996) |
| Bulgaria - Private sector assessment Vol. 1 (1996)
|
| Lending for electric power in Sub-Saharan Africa Vol.
1 (1996) |
| Russian Federation - Housing reform and privatization
: strategy and transition issues Vol. 1 (1995) |
| Ownership and financing of infrastructure : historical
perspective Vol. 1 (1995) |
| Decentralization of the socialist state :
intergovernmental finance in transition economies Vol. 1 (1995) |
| Transition 6(3) Vol. 1 (1995) |
| Fiscal decentralization and intergovernmental finances
in the Republic of Albania Vol. 1 (1994) |
| Central bank independence : a critical view Vol. 1
(1994) |
| Viet Nam - Public sector management and private sector
incentives Vol. 1 (1994) |
| Colombia - Power Market Development Project : sector
environmental assessment - Colombian electricity sector Vol. 2 (1994)
|
| Colombia - Power Market Development Project : sector
environmental assessment - Colombian electricity sector Vol. 3 (1994)
|
| Colombia - Power Market Development Project : sector
environmental assessment - Colombian electricity sector Vol. 1 (1994)
|
| Uruguay
- The private sector Vol. 1 (1994) |
| Making a market : mass privatization in the Czech and
Slovak Republics Vol. 1 (1993) |
| Property tax in Anglophone Africa : issues and
constraints Vol. 1 (1993) |
| Wage controls during the transition from central
planning to a market economy Vol. 1 (1993) |
| Fiscal decentralization and intergovernmental
relations in transition economics : toward a systematic framework of
analysis Vol. 1 (1993) |
From The World Bank
Public enterprise
reform : the lessons of experience Vol. 1 (1991)
This book tries to systematize the lessons learned in the past two
decades of public enterprise reform to correct the perceived
deficiencies of state-enterprise sectors in Africa, Asia, and Latin
America. It addresses the macroeconomic adjustments typically required
in the effort to fashion a more open and competitive economy -
liberalizing trade and ending preferential treatment for state
enterprises; shifts toward market-oriented financing in the banking
system; moves toward market pricing and reforming the institutional
structure for setting tariffs; and establishing more competitive and
evenhanded compensation and staffing policies in state enterprises. It
argues that with macroeconomic reforms under way, government needs to
ground its reform of state enterprises in an assessment of the purposes
to be served by its state-owned sector. It describes how reforming the
relationship between government and its enterprises entails striking a
delicate balance between autonomy and accountability. The report
examines the mechanisms used by governments in a variety of developing
countries to set goals for state-owned firms and to evaluate their
performance. It addresses the promise and the risks of privatization,
whether through outright sales, management contracting, leasing,
franchising, contracting-out, or encouraging new entrants into the
private sector. It also offers an overview of the task facing
governments with a failing public enterprise sector.
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| War on Want
Publications
The evidence shows that the poor are denied access to essential
services when multinationals take over. Private companies have failed
to extend services to ensure that the poorest people can access them,
as well as increasing the prices of services beyond what the poorest
can afford. Governments are best placed to provide public services on
the scale needed to tackle poverty and ensure access and affordability
for all. No wonder there are so many cases where privatisation has been
deeply unpopular – witness mass protests in Bolivia, Peru, the
Dominican Republic, India, South Africa and elsewhere.
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