Reproduced from the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization website
The State of Food and Agriculture 1998
WORLD REVIEW
IV.
SELECTED ISSUES
Feeding the cities
INTRODUCTION
People by the millions move to cities in order to improve their lives, find better jobs
and have access to goods and services that are not available in rural areas. As they
attract more people, cities assemble and provide the goods and amenities that these people
need and want. Foremost among these is food. A common sight throughout cities of the
developing world are carts piled high with food maize cobs, heads of lettuce,
crates of potatoes, baskets of fruit, etc. which has been brought in from the
countryside or periphery to keep the urban population fed.
A city of 10 million people may need to import at least 6 000 tonnes of food per day.
It is a huge task to feed a city of several million people, or even of several hundred
thousand, who require many tonnes of food each day. For instance, a city of 10 million
people for example Manila, Cairo or Rio de Janeiro may need to import at
least 6 000 tonnes of food per day. This requires much coordination among producers,
transporters, market managers and retailers in stores, on the street and in open-air
markets. City officials and private operators must act together to achieve that
coordination and provision cities adequately.
As cities grow in population and space, they require more extensive and more developed
transportation and distribution systems for bringing food to consumers, including roads,
vehicles and marketplaces that are accessible to all segments of the population.
Similarly, as cities grow, the task of planning and managing the land area and
infrastructure becomes more complicated and expensive. Frequently, city administrators in
the developing world find themselves struggling to cope with burgeoning populations in a
physical environment that is really only adequate for a fraction of the inhabitants. A
shared understanding among city officials of common problems and potential solutions for
feeding the cities, along with appropriate technical assistance and resource support from
national and international agencies, can help pave the road towards sustainable cities in
the twenty-first century.
MAP 4
CITIES WITH POPULATIONS OF MORE THAN 10 MILLION
(MEGACITIES)
CITIES AND FOOD
Urban demographic trends
At one stage in history, the worlds entire population was rural,
living a nomadic or pastoral life and providing for their own food needs. Over time, this
way of life gave way to trade-oriented, specialized economic and social patterns in which
people gain certain benefits from gathering together to live in towns and cities. The
worlds current population of 5.9 billion16 is split more or less equally between
cities and rural areas, with urban areas expected to surpass rural areas in population
around the year 2005.17
At present, 75 percent of the developed countries population is urban compared with
38 percent in the case of developing countries (see Map 4).18
A majority of the population in North America and Europe has lived in cities since the
middle of this century, while a majority of the population in Latin America and the Near
East has done so since the 1960s and since 1980, respectively. Asia and Africa have
remained predominantly rural: today their respective urban populations account for 35 and
36 percent of their total. Figure 17 shows the rural-urban distribution of people within
countries, by region since 1950.
Over the next 20 years, 93 percent of urban growth will occur in the cities of the
developing world.
It is more difficult to make projections on a more reduced scale, such as that of a
city, than for an entire country. Many factors can change the trends that are causing
cities to grow. However, the general tendencies will remain the same, as it is only the
rates of change that are uncertain. Over the next 20 years, 93 percent of urban growth
will occur in the cities of the developing world. Some of these cities are already huge:
the world now has more than 20 megacities with a population of more than 10 million each,
while 50 years ago only New York City could claim that distinction. Some of the largest
cities are also growing very quickly. For example, Dhaka in Bangladesh has a population of
9 million and is growing at an annual rate of 5 percent, which means an additional 1 300
people per day.19
As the worlds population grows, the less urbanized regions, Asia and Africa, are
growing the fastest, and their fastest-growing areas are the cities and peripheral zones.
As the worlds population grows, the less urbanized regions, Asia and Africa, are
growing the fastest, and the fastest-growing areas both in these regions and within their
countries are the cities and peripheral zones. Asian cities are currently growing at a
rate of 3 percent per year compared with an overall growth rate in Asia of 1.4 percent per
year, while African cities are growing at a rate of 4 percent per year compared with an
overall growth of 2.6 percent per year. At the same time, smaller cities and towns are
also expanding relatively rapidly in some countries faster than the largest urban
centres. Figure 18 shows regional population projections to 2020 for urban and rural
population.
FIGURE 17
RURAL / URBAN DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION, 1950, 1975, 2000
Factors determining food demand in cities
Population growth is an important element in the growth of demand for food in a city. A
larger resident population naturally implies more food demand. The other demographic
factors determining food demand in a city are related to the age structure of the
population and the fertility rate. In addition to demographic aspects, economic trends and
conditions greatly affect how much food people consume as well as how much there is
available. The most important factor is income level: as incomes rise, people consume
greater amounts and a greater variety of food.
Poor urban families can spend as much as 60 to 80 percent of their income on food.
Poor urban dwellers usually have trouble purchasing adequate amounts of food to meet
their needs and preferences. Most of the food consumed in cities must be purchased, and
poor families can spend as much as 60 to 80 percent of their income on food. One study
showed that consumers in cities spend an average of 30 percent more for food than rural
consumers, despite there being a lower average caloric intake in cities.20 Poor urban consumers
sometimes have access to food outside market channels, for instance through home
production, bartering or food assistance programmes.
FIGURE 18
PROJECTED POPULATION, 2000, 2010, 2020
Trends in urban food security
Food insecurity occurs when people do not have access to or the means to obtain
adequate food supplies for their nutritional needs. Statistics on food insecurity are
often sketchy, even at the national level. Thus, it is not possible to tell clearly where
urban food insecurity is most severe or how it compares with rural food insecurity. One
way to assess the degree of food insecurity in a city is to examine changes in poverty
among the population.
As Africa and parts of Asia become increasingly urbanized, food insecurity will become
more of an urban problem.
In some cases, the proportion of poor living in urban areas has surpassed that in the
rural areas and, in the countries that are already highly urbanized, an increasing
absolute number of poor live in cities. The World Bank has estimated that the number of
urban poor will rise from 400 million to 1 billion during the 1990s.21 A study of eight Asian and four Latin
American countries also shows that a rising proportion of the poor are living in cities.
For instance, 18 percent of the Republic of Koreas poor lived in cities in 1970,
while 80 percent did so in 1990. At the same time, the countrys urban population
share rose from 54 to 60 percent. In Brazil, while the urban population share rose from 55
to 75 percent, the proportion of the countrys poor living in cities rose from 39
percent in 1970 to 54 percent in 1990.22 Thus, cities at present may be home to
more or less than a proportionate share of the total number of poor in a country, but as
Africa and parts of Asia become increasingly urbanized, food insecurity will become more
of an urban problem.
Factors affecting urban food insecurity
A number of factors affect the degree of food security in countries and cities,
including low income levels, a lack of physical access to food, high relative prices of
food and unfavourable weather patterns that reduce the food production in a country or
region for a period. Such factors affect people living in rural areas as well as in
cities.
Structural adjustment policies have reduced job opportunities, removed food subsidies
and led to currency devaluations, making imported food more expensive.
Other factors affect city dwellers more severely or are directly related to the
economic and physical conditions of urban life itself. In recent years, structural
adjustment policies have reduced job opportunities, removed food subsidies and led to
currency devaluations (which cause imported food to become more expensive). These changes
have harmed the urban poor in particular. Because most of the food consumed in cities is
purchased, household access to food is highly sensitive to prices. During the period of
economic change witnessed in the 1980s and 1990s, urban food prices rose more than the
general cost of living and more than incomes in a wide range of case studies.23
Physical conditions also pose unique problems for urban food consumers. For instance,
poor urban consumers can be disadvantaged by: a lack of transport and/or having to travel
long distances to and from markets; poor hygiene and food contamination resulting from
crowded conditions; and having to rely more than the rural population on purchased food
and supplies. Food supplies entering a city do not always reach the consumer. Food losses
between the production and retail stages are estimated to range from 10 to 30 percent and
are caused by a combination of on-farm, transport, distribution and spoilage problems
which are greater in urban than rural areas.
The built-up urban areas in developing countries are expected to double in size over
the next 10 to 15 years, with major implications for the environment, social relationships
and commercial activity.
The built-up urban areas in developing countries are expected to double in size over
the next 10 to 15 years, with major implications for the environment, social relationships
and commercial activity.24
The physical expansion of cities is driven by economic growth and greater numbers of
residents, which in most developing countries nowadays arise more from internal increases
than from rural-urban migration. In many locations, the physical availability of urban
land is relatively constrained, but good planning and appropriate policies can mitigate
conflicts and congestion in most circumstances.
It may seem paradoxical that the dismal urban conditions apparent in many developing
countries have not stemmed the flow of migrants from rural areas, but urban consumers do
benefit from city life in various ways. One of the main attractions is the expectation of
an improved life compared with the opportunities offered in rural areas. While the
improvement may not come immediately, perhaps not even for a generation or more, it is a
strong motivator of rural-urban migration. In addition, throughout the developing world,
urban dwellers have greater access to such necessities as piped water, sanitation and
health care services than people living in rural areas.
In city planning and design, attention must be paid to essentials such
as the location of wholesale and retail markets; modes and efficiency of transport, both
for goods and people; parking space for trucks and cars around markets; access to
utilities and waste disposal services; and accurate information destined for buyers
and sellers alike on the prices, quantities and quality of food. Planners will also
have to recognize where and how much urban food insecurity exists and address the problem
with specifically formulated programmes. These are some of the issues faced by local and
national authorities today as their cities head towards the twenty-first century.
BUYING FOOD IN CITIES
Fictional story of a poor urban consumer issues at stake
Now that I am living in town, I have to buy my food. With my small income,
I have little choice but to buy the cheapest food I can find once a day. Meat? The
only chance I get to eat meat is when it has been used to make a sauce, which is once a
week at the most. |
Consumption limited by low incomes |
At times, I have so little money that I simply cannot feed my family. They
have to fend for themselves, while I buy street foods or visit my cousin who has a job and
who can go home for dinner. He will not deny me food. |
Street foods as a low-cost food source extended family obligations leading
to high-cost individual consumption |
I hear from many people that my children should eat salad and vegetables,
but I cannot afford them. |
Poor access to micronutrients, especially for children |
If I had enough cash to buy a refrigerator, I could buy larger quantities
of food and save money by making bulk purchases and storing fresh or cooked food
plus we would not have to eat everything immediately. The problem is that all my relatives
and friends who visit me frequently would help themselves to my food stores. |
Poor people forced to buy food at higher prices economies of scale are out
of reach |
When I want to buy fish, meat, vegetables or fruit, I must go to the
market very early in the morning before the heat ruins the food and thousands of flies
land on it. |
Markets as a source of consumer health problems |
I dont mind going to the central market because I meet people there
and the food is often cheaper. But the market looks like a mud puddle, there are flies
everywhere and the vegetables and fruit are sometimes rotten. I wish I could buy food for
my family from a cleaner place, but there is no other. |
Inadequate market maintenance |
I nearly had a fight recently with a market trader who tried to cheat me
on the weight of the rice I was buying. I know they will try, but this time it was really
too much. Only the other day, I bought a packet of biscuits but I felt sick as soon as I
put one in my mouth. Checking the expiry date, I saw that it was two years ago! The
problem is that consumers can do nothing against these frauds: no one listens. |
Commercial frauds and little consumer power |
The market is always full of people. When they need to go to the toilet,
they hide behind a wall or a heap of boxes. I have to do the same as well because there
are no toilets to be found, and I very much doubt that people wash their hands before
touching the food again. |
Poor hygienic conditions |
When I want better quality or more choice, I go to the abattoir or fish
market and to the special vegetable stall near the market gardens. If I had a market or a
shop with cold storage next to my house, I could save on the cost of transport. |
Inadequate retail-level availability leading to higher consumer prices |
Our local market burnt down last week and I now have to walk to another
one on the other side of town. Not only has this market put its prices up since the fire
at ours, but just getting there also means more money and time spent. |
Poor market operating practices leading to accidents poor consumers
particularly affected |
There used to be an old lady at the market who was very knowledgeable
about ways of preserving and cooking foods that do not keep long. She also knew when foods
were good and safe to eat. As one of her many customers, I learned to experiment
with new dishes and vary my childrens diet, while also saving a lot of money.
Unfortunately, she is no longer there. |
Private traders offering a useful service and advice to consumers |
On certain occasions we like to prepare the dishes we used to eat in our
village. It is important for us not to lose this part of our tradition but, because these
dishes require specific ingredients that are not easily found in the city, I have to visit
several markets in the town. |
Limited food availability impeding traditional, often healthier, consumption
patterns |
Source: Programme on Food Supply and
Distribution to Cities, FAO Marketing and Rural Finance Service. |
FOOD SUPPLY AND DISTRIBUTION CONDITIONS IN URBAN AREAS
In order to reach urban consumers, food passes through a variety of marketing,
negotiation and organizational systems. A useful distinction can be made between the
traditional steps involved in bringing food to consumers and the delivery systems
developed more recently. The two differ both in the level of technological and financial
capital required and in who has access to it.
PICTURE 4
Transport food to urban markets
A Sri Lankan man transports coconuts by bicycle to sell in the city.
Farmers use many methods to take food to urban wholesale and retail
markets.
The traditional sector comprises wholesale merchants (wholesalers, transporters,
dealers) and retail operators (small shopkeepers, market retailers, street sellers). The
modern sector consists of large, vertically integrated distributors and agro-industrial
supply networks (which deal especially with animal products) and national or international
trading companies.
Most of those involved in transporting, marketing and distributing food in cities are
private businesses and individuals. They bring food supplies into cities, conduct
wholesale to retail transactions, negotiate prices and assure adequate quantities to meet
demand. The role of the public sector in supply and distribution operations varies from
country to country, but is generally declining across regions of the world because of
privatization. The involvement of the public sector tends to be the provision of
infrastructure: roads, storage facilities and public markets both wholesale and
retail. Sometimes the public sector provides credit for specific activities.
Most operators in the marketing and distribution of food in cities are private
businesses and individuals. The role of the public sector is generally declining because
of privatization.
PICTURE 5
Contamination creates health risks
A lack of clean water and washing facilities creates unsanitary
conditions for streetfood vendors in urban areas.
Shortages of food occur in a city for many reasons, the most common being agricultural
supply shocks and emergency conditions of civil unrest or war which interrupt food
production and/or disrupt the channels for getting food to market. Under normal
conditions, the marketing and distribution system in a city can supply food in a timely
and regular manner to meet the needs of the population. However, inefficiencies and
service breakdowns do occur with great frequency in many cities of the developing world.
When they occur, even though the effects may be localized or temporary, it is the poor who
suffer as they must spend more time or money to acquire the food they need.
Problems of food distribution at the wholesale level
The problems affecting urban food supply were identified years ago.25 Much of the food bought by urban
consumers passes through wholesalers, who purchase food from producers and traders and
deliver it to retailers. In many cities in developing countries, wholesale markets are not
well maintained or managed, and are often too old and too small to meet the needs of the
growing community. The problems range from lack of coordination among wholesale traders,
to prices that vary widely across the city with little systematic information available,
to very congested and sometimes unsanitary locations for conducting
business.
Wholesale markets in Africa are often spontaneously formed groups of wholesalers who
lack physical facilities and are dispersed across the city.
The situation is particularly alarming in cities where there is inadequate
infrastructure, as is the case for many African cities.26 Wholesale markets in this region are
often spontaneously formed groups of wholesalers dispersed across the city and lacking
physical facilities. One can find concentrations of wholesalers close to, or even within,
large central retail markets, at the discharge points of roads entering the urban fringe,
or grouped within urban open spaces used as storage areas. In Dakar, the two main
wholesale markets for fruits, vegetables and roots and tubers Thiaroye
Gare and Syndicat markets are located in places where retail products of various
kinds are being sold. About 400 000 tonnes of food are handled annually in these areas,
mostly directly on the roads around the markets. Similar situations are found in Abidjan,
Lagos and Accra.
In many Asian and Latin American countries, the creation and expansion of wholesale
markets has lagged behind the growth in urban populations and merchandise flows, resulting
in overuse of the existing markets. As a result, the storage facilities are not large
enough to handle all the food brought in, the refrigeration systems are overtaxed and food
cannot be conserved properly, there are far too many vehicles for the parking and loading
spaces, and hygiene and safety problems ensue. The combination of all these conditions
causes high food losses, the costs of which are imposed on consumers. The wholesale
markets are still often located at the very centre of cities where they originated when
the city was smaller. The heavy vehicle and foot traffic around them causes traffic jams,
while the waste production and water use lead to environmental damage.
Following marketing liberalization in a number of countries, notably in Africa, former
single-channel grain marketing outlets have been replaced by a multitude of small traders
at both the wholesale and the retail level. Markets, which were already overcrowded
handling only horticultural products, are now handling increasing quantities of grains
without having the necessary space or facilities to handle them effectively, with the
result that losses caused by exposure to the elements are at unacceptable levels.
New markets sometimes fail owing to inadequate consideration of the wholesalers
needs and a lack of coordination between the public sector and wholesale operators.
New wholesale markets were constructed in many growing cities during the 1980s in
response to the problems described above. In Mexico City and Buenos Aires improvements
were made in food marketing (better physical conditions and quality of products, more
accurate information on prices, etc.) and in the traffic flow. However, new markets, at
both the wholesale and the retail level, sometimes fail owing to inadequate consideration
of wholesalers needs, and lack of coordination between the public sector and
wholesale operators. Curiously, they may remain empty as merchants refuse to move to them.
One reason is that they may be located in areas of town which are out of the mainstream.
In Buenos Aires, for example, a new wholesale market for fruits and vegetables located far
from the urban centre has created a new layer of transport intermediaries between
wholesalers and traditional small shops. The retailers can ill afford the transport costs
to the market, nor do they have the finances to buy in bulk to save on the number of trips
needed.
It is not uncommon for a few large wholesalers to have oligopolistic power in pricing
food to retailers.
In addition, the larger wholesalers may resist moving because they fear losing their
dominant position established over years in the existing market configuration; and the
rents charged in the new markets can be set too high for the smaller operators.
Even well-planned and well-located new markets do not resolve all the existing problems
of wholesale food markets in cities. It is not uncommon for a few large wholesalers to
have oligopolistic power in pricing food to retailers. Since the wholesalers often act as
creditors to their retail customers who lack sufficient working capital, they can make
different deals with each. The result is lack of transparency in transactions, often
exploitative relationships and inefficiencies.
The management of wholesale markets, generally the domain of local authorities and
public organizations, can be a particular problem. The market authorities lack
professional training and may not have good communication with counterparts in other areas
of the city, nor with supply channels from the peri-urban and rural areas. They generally
fail to achieve the standards of efficiency obtained in the modern commercial sector.
Problems of food distribution at the retail level
The dichotomy between small shops and large supermarkets is most obvious in Latin
America, where food distribution evolved during the 1970s in response to the urbanization
of the 1960s.
Retail food distribution is highly adapted to serving the needs of different customers.
The primary activity involves providing a convenient location where customers can go and
select food with a variety of choices, where they have confidence in the availability and
quality of food, and where they have the means of purchasing their food either through
cash or credit. The poor generally purchase their food at local shops or marketplaces near
their homes. Such shops consist of small family enterprises with very limited capital
(generally self-financing) whose owners and managers have little qualification and
training. Middle- and high-income consumers are shopping increasingly at modern
supermarket facilities, identical to any that would be found in North American or large
European cities, employing modern technology and having access to credit from banks and
suppliers.
PICTURE 6
Urban retail food market
Organized, well-functioning retail food markets provide good jobs for
urban dwellers and access to food at reasonable prices.
The dichotomy between small shops and large supermarkets is most obvious in Latin
America, where food distribution evolved during the 1970s in response to the urbanization
that occurred during the 1960s. By the early 1990s, large supermarkets accounted for about
30 percent of the retail sales of food in most Latin American cities. Because of their
location in the central and residential areas, as well as the extensive variety of
products offered, these stores offer high levels of service to middle- and high-income
groups. The traditional retail sale systems have remained in the poorer zones and have
responded to their constantly expanding needs. This polarization is typical of Latin
American cities, but is found much less in other parts of the developing world.
In many cities, new retail markets have not been built fast enough to meet the needs of
growing urban populations, nor has the capacity of existing markets kept pace with the
increase in the number of vendors. These two factors together account for significant
congestion, disorganization and unhealthy situations in the existing facilities. As a
result, both new and existing markets are not often well equipped with basic
infrastructure (water, electricity, drainage) and, when present, such facilities work
inefficiently. Storage and refrigerated rental areas are rare. As with the wholesale
markets, retail market management is often poor, and it is not uncommon for shopowners to
face illegal taxation and collusion between market authorities and the larger businesses.
The strong reliance on street foods is driven by changes in the urban way of life as
well as urban poverty.
One recourse of market vendors to compensate for lack of space has been to create
spontaneous markets wherever possible near consumers. In Dakar, three-quarters
of the retail markets are spontaneous markets, while in New Delhi this type of market
accounts for 60 percent of all fruit and vegetable markets. In Lima, out of 306 markets
surveyed, only 72 operate in established municipal market facilities, while the rest have
arisen spontaneously, often near slums where there are scarce public facilities.
A strong reliance on street foods is another characteristic of urban food distribution
systems, driven by changes in the urban way of life (the need to commute to a distant
working place, the development of womens work outside the home) as well as urban
poverty. Thus, the importance of street foods varies according to social and economic
patterns in the cities. For instance, street foods represent 20 to 25 percent of household
food expenditure in Bogota and Caracas, but only 6 percent in Buenos Aires.27 In Africa, where there are
fewer large restaurants or public facilities for eating, consumption of street foods is
widespread and growing.
Higher costs and inefficiencies increase consumer prices
Several factors which add to the costs of delivering food commonly exist in developing
country cities, thus raising consumer prices. These include market failures that can be
corrected and actual increases in costs owing to the difficult conditions of urban food
systems. Among the causes of additional costs are:
an absence of market transparency combined with an oligopolistic control by a
small number of wholesalers;
a lack of scale economies along the distribution system, in particular limited
financial capacity;
higher transport costs compared with locally produced food in rural areas;
high physical losses at all levels of distribution;
the common occurrence of corruption and bribes imposed on market sellers;
compensation for the risks incurred by wholesalers as creditors to many retail
operations.
As cities develop, modernized food distribution channels introduce new technologies and
bring greater specialization among market intermediaries.
The general economic conditions within a city also affect the efficient functioning of
wholesale and retail markets. Public authorities often claim that the multiplicity of
intermediaries in urban food distribution is the main reason for the high prices of
products. Yet, authorities are often reluctant to promote modernization of the
distribution channels, since traditional systems are important sources of employment. As
cities develop, modernization of this sector brings greater specialization among the
market intermediaries, as well as the introduction of new technologies (refrigerated
transportation and storage, information systems that track inventories, etc.). This
evolution is most apparent in Latin America, where food marketing is often done by a more
limited number of commercial enterprises.
IMPROVING FOOD SUPPLY AND DISTRIBUTION EFFICIENCY IN THE CITIES
General improvement of food supply and distribution systems has rarely been seen as a
policy priority in most developing countries.
General improvement of the supply and distribution systems has rarely been seen as a
policy priority in most developing countries. Policies have focused instead on subsidizing
basic foodstuffs, and on direct food distribution programmes for poor populations.
Specific steps can be taken to address the efficiency and equity of food distribution in
the cities. They include:
building facilities and physical infrastructure;
establishing partnerships between the public and the private sector;
improving credit availability and access;
strengthening relationships with producers;
improving the institutional environment;
changing perceptions in the public sector.
Creating facilities for wholesale and retail markets
Improving food supply and distribution systems requires infrastructure for both retail
and wholesale markets. New markets should be carefully planned to determine the location
preferred, the products and operators involved, the types of installation and services
required, etc. These aspects must take into account the financial capacity of the users in
order to arrive at a realistic level of charges that will enable repayment and maintenance
of the market facilities. Other key issues are the organizational rules, the management of
the market and the criteria for allocating spaces. At the central level, urban planners
must examine food supply flows. This information is crucial for assessing the amount and
allocation of the financial resources required for building or improving large
infrastructures (slaughterhouses, wholesale markets, truck stations, trunk roads, etc.).
Local food traders and their organizations have their own role to play in planning for
growing urban areas. They must establish new retail markets especially in poorly served
zones, modernize those already existing, increase their capacity, improve structures and
services, reformulate the management rules, and reserve areas for the different commercial
and transport activities involved in urban food distribution. Planning and organizational
efforts are ineffective when their implementation is hindered by a lack of training and
information, as well as the uncertainty of acquiring space for a specific function such as
a commercial activity. Consumers and their representatives should be involved in
developing imaginative solutions to distribution and access problems.
Involving the private sector and developing new partnerships
In most developing country cities, local traders organizations have assumed the
role of building facilities and organizing markets which had formerly been performed by
the public sector. However, large infrastructures such as wholesale markets or
slaughterhouses can rarely be financed by private funds, given the very limited resources
and conflicting priorities for the market. Therefore, other private sector actors and
public agencies must be encouraged to participate in the financing and management of the
facilities. Such support is often available to create facilities for export activities
(storage, warehousing, transport equipment), and should similarly be extended to
investment in infrastructure and services for urban food supply.
One of the most important aspects is harnessing the cooperation of all the relevant
actors, including users, the public sector (authorities responsible for infrastructure and
utilities) and the private sector (food collectives, trade associations, banks, traders,
etc.).
Government involvement should be well defined. One mistake to be avoided is the former
tendency to overbuild elaborate and expensive facilities instead of more usable and
appropriate ones. The public sector role should assure the viability of markets (providing
for transport networks, water, electric power, drainage) and should encourage
participation of users (wholesalers) in the financing of superstructures (outhouses,
storage facilities). One way to develop needed support structures might be to finance them
with bonds that could be paid off over a long period through moderate charges to users.
Similar measures can be applied to retail markets, in cooperation with trader
associations.
Improving credit access
Lack of access to credit is a major constraint for all those involved in food supply
and distribution. Bank credit is generally limited to the commercial sector involved in
import and export activities. Greater liquidity and financial support must be made
available for the commercial food sector through private bank participation. This will
require giving attention to the special problems of agricultural markets (instability,
risk) and adapting normal credit and collateral practices to them.
Urban food supply systems need to adopt modern technology as it becomes available, and
this can be done while retaining the small shopkeeper orientation of the traditional
sector.
The food supply systems of urban areas need to adopt modern technology as it becomes
available. This can be done while retaining the small shopkeeper orientation of the
traditional sector. Sustained action is needed in the areas of credit and technical
assistance with the participation of local chambers of commerce and business
organizations. Among the potential approaches would be for public authorities to support
private sector credit provision by guaranteeing loans for modernization in the sector, or
by performing initial screening of loans or offering guidelines for applicants and thereby
reducing the administrative costs of processing loan applications.
These experiences must be analysed and implemented through careful understanding of the
local context and needs. An example is the new commercial centre opened in Nouakchott,
Mauritania, in late 1997 by a womens enterprise. Its creation was supported by a
government effort to increase female access to credit for entrepreuneurship.28
Reinforcing upstream producer organizations
Competitiveness in the wholesale food trade is an important factor in achieving an
efficient pricing system. One way to increase competitiveness is for producers
organizations to use their negotiating capacity effectively in marketing their products to
wholesalers. When they maintain a presence in the wholesale markets, they obtain market
price and supply information efficiently and reliably.29 This helps them have some market power
in dealing with wholesalers, as well as helping them adjust their planting, harvesting and
pricing decisions appropriately to respond to the market requirements.
A favourable institutional environment
While local traders organizations can play a major role in the organization of
food supply in their cities, the action of governments is decisive in creating an
institutional environment conducive to the efficient marketing of food products. The sound
organization and modernization of supply and distribution channels requires a coherent and
transparent legal framework that clearly defines the rights and obligations of the various
contractors.
One of the major roles for government in food supply and distribution is monitoring and
enforcing food safety and quality requirements.
Regulatory authority for food supply and distribution is often scattered among
different agencies which do not coordinate their efforts. These efforts need to be
harmonized and reinforced. One of the major roles for government is monitoring and
enforcing food safety and quality requirements.
Raising consciousness and changing perceptions in the public
sector
Local authorities are still inadequately aware that improving food supply and
distribution systems, from the physical, organizational and financial viewpoints, has an
impact on the whole functioning of the cities and on the living conditions of their
populations. Resources are scarce and the pace of urban growth increases the urgency of
the task. Difficult policy choices and considerations confront local authorities:
establishing priorities, justifying expenditures that may benefit a group of citizens in
the name of the interests of all and assessing the political benefits of a given choice.
Priorities are necessarily different from one city to another and one country to another,
depending on the general level of development and the existing structures and facilities.
Nevertheless, it is widely apparent that both public and private actors need increased
awareness of the conditions and problems of food supply and distribution systems in these
cities. Thus, they need both the information and the tools for decision-making.
Opportunities for greater coordination exist among national and municipal agencies.
Agriculture ministries are not involved in urban activities and are inclined to see farm
producers as their primary constituency. Yet, they should be aware that urban demand
cannot act as an engine in agricultural transformation without adequate supply and
distribution channels. They can play a fundamental part in organizing agricultural supply
channels and improving marketing of the products through the provision of information and
the assurance of an adequate basic infrastructure. Improved supply lines will also improve
returns to farmers. National agricultural marketing services generally ignore the
functioning of food markets as they are more interested in the modern import/export and
distribution sectors. The converse is true of municipal authorities who are inclined to
see food as an economic issue for rural interests and orient their planning efforts
towards modernization and upper-class needs.
It is therefore necessary to make these different actors more aware of the importance
of what is at stake in feeding the cities, to involve them in a global strategy and to
determine the responsibilities of each of them. It is important to install or reinforce
institutions for cooperation that involve politicians, administrators, traders, merchants
and technicians at different levels (state, region, municipality).
Implementing a global strategy to address urban food supply and distribution problems
requires an important public investment in information and reinforcement of technical
competences at all levels. Donors and international organizations can assist this effort
in several ways. For instance, improving information available to, and the competence of,
urban managers can be a major field of intervention in support of decentralized
development. Another example is support to improved policy formulation, strategy and
programme development to improve urban food supply and distribution systems, such as that
provided by the FAO subregional programme Food Supply and Distribution in Francophone
Africa and that envisaged under the interregional Food Supply and Distribution to Cities
programme.
Integrating fisheries and agriculture to enhance fish production
and food security
INTRODUCTION
Improved integration between fisheries and agriculture is an important means for
enhancing fish production and food security.
There are manifold interactions between fisheries and agriculture through the common
use of land and water resources and concurrent production activities to support rural
village communities and supply urban areas with the needed quantity and variety of food.
Such interactions extend to the institutional sphere, as fisheries and agriculture often
fall within one government ministry. Improved integration between the two sectors is
therefore an important means for enhancing fish production and food security. The term
fisheries is broadly defined here to include the capture of wild fish stocks
from inland and marine waters, the capture of fish stocks that have been enhanced through
stocking and other measures and various types of aquaculture. The most direct interactions
between agriculture and fisheries occur where these two sectors compete for the same kinds
of resource, especially land and water, and where measures aimed at higher agricultural
production can alter natural fish habitats.
In many Asian countries, over one-half of animal protein intake comes from fish. In
Africa the proportion is 17.5 percent.
At present, the reported capture fisheries production from freshwater ecosystems,
including rivers and lakes, is about 7.5 million tonnes. Actual catches, however, are
believed to be significantly higher and could be as much as double the reported
statistics.30
Except for some industrial commercial fisheries in the great lakes of Africa and North
America, most inland capture fisheries are small-scale by nature and much of the catch is
destined for local consumption. Inland fisheries activities are often undertaken by
farmers during the agricultural lean season when they provide needed food and income.
Thus, the significance of freshwater catches for food security far exceeds what recorded
production figures alone might suggest. The importance of fish, particularly in the diet
of rural communities, can be judged by its contribution to total animal protein intake. In
many Asian countries, over one-half of animal protein intake comes from fish, while in
Africa the proportion is 17.5 percent. Moreover, recreational fisheries in inland waters
are gaining more economic importance in Asia, Europe and North and South America, where
they serve as valued tourist attractions.
In spite of their nutritional and economic importance and their significant future
development potential, inland fisheries landings relative to outputs from other fishery
production systems have been waning over the past few decades.31 The diminished role of inland fisheries
has to some extent resulted from physical and chemical changes in the aquatic environment,
brought about by agricultural practices such as damming, wetland reclamation, drainage and
water abstraction and transfer for irrigation. Recent experience has shown that these
environmental changes are often reversible, in which case fisheries habitats can be
restored without compromising agricultural production. In other cases, changes can be
anticipated and planned for in a way that enhances fisheries potential beyond natural
productivity. The full range of fisheries enhancement techniques including
stocking, the modification of water bodies, fertilization and the introduction of
genetically improved species can only be realized when human-induced changes are
planned and implemented in an integrated manner that prevents harmful effects on fisheries
resources and their habitats.
Aquaculture is one of the worlds fastest-growing food production sectors,
providing an important substitute for stagnating yields from wild fish stocks.
Aquaculture is one of the worlds fastest-growing food-producing sectors,
providing an important supplement to and substitute for stagnating yields from wild fish
stocks. The importance of aquaculture for future food security was acknowledged by the
1996 World Food Summit, which agreed to promote the development of environmentally
sound and sustainable aquaculture well integrated into rural, agricultural and coastal
development. Over the last decade, aquaculture production increased at an average
compounded growth rate of nearly 11 percent per annum. By 1996, total annual production of
cultured fish, molluscs, crustaceans and aquatic plants reached a record 34.12 million
tonnes, valued at $46.5 billion. Of special importance is the fact that more than 85
percent of total aquaculture food production came from developing countries, and in
particular from LIFDCs. Production within this group is concentrated in Asian countries,
with China being by far the largest producer.
The efficient use of water and land resources is a crucial factor in sustaining high
growth rates in production.
Annual aquaculture production is projected to exceed 40 million tonnes by 2010. Much of
this increase is expected to come from the farming of fish and crustaceans in ponds,
enhanced production in small and medium-sized water bodies and integrated fish and
crustacean farming, primarily with rice but also with vegetables and other crops as well
as livestock. Efficiency in the use of water (particularly freshwater) and land resources
is becoming a crucial factor in sustaining high growth rates. In many areas where
aquaculture has rapidly expanded over the last decade, there is growing pressure on
limited land and water resources, and planning for integrated fisheries and agricultural
development is therefore of the utmost importance.
THE BENEFITS OF INTEGRATION
The overall objective of integrating fisheries and agriculture is to maximize the
synergistic and minimize the antagonistic interactions between the two sectors. The former
are mainly derived from the recycling of nutrients arising in the course of agricultural,
livestock and fish production processes, from integrated pest management IPM and from the
optimal use of water resources.
Synergism between fisheries and agriculture mainly derives from the recycling of
nutrients arising during production processes, from IPM and from the optimal use of water.
Antagonistic interactions arise from: the application of pesticides and herbicides that
harm aquatic living organisms; the eutrophication of inland water bodies and near-shore
coastal waters caused by nutrient runoff (after excessive or inappropriate chemical
fertilizer application); soil erosion, which increases the sediment load of natural
watercourses; alterations to the hydrological regimes of rivers, lakes and other natural
water bodies; drainage of wetlands and swamps; and the obstruction of fish migration
routes.
The benefits to be gained from maximizing and minimizing synergistic and antagonistic
interactions, respectively, are examined in the next section. Following this is a
discussion on how institutional constraints can be overcome at various levels to achieve a
better integration of the two sectors.
Optimal nutrient use through by-product recycling
Agricultural by-products, such as manure from livestock and crop residues, can serve as
fertilizer and feed inputs for small-scale and commercial aquaculture. After availability
of freshwater, the existence of livestock and agricultural crop production systems is the
principal factor influencing aquaculture potential in countries and regions.32
Resource scarcity is commonly the overriding incentive directing technical and
institutional change towards higher levels of efficiency. Sophisticated techniques and
institutional arrangements for managing resource use can be found in areas of both high
and low population densities, depending on the abundance of resources. In arid areas with
a low population density, for example, complex systems for the allocation of scarce
freshwater resources are known to have existed for centuries.33
Integrated fish, livestock and crop farming in China dates back to more than 2 400
years ago.
Integrated farming in China dates back to more than 2 400 years ago, when it involved a
complex complementary system combining fish polyculture with poultry, livestock and crop
production and the integrated use of manure, grass and other crops as feed and fertilizer.34 While the scientific
foundations of these systems, as well as their regional diversity, have yet to be fully
understood, there is no doubt about their high level of efficiency, particularly regarding
the use of natural resources.
Rotational farming of rice and shrimps has a long history in the intertidal zones of
Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Thailand, Viet Nam and other Asian countries.35 In the traditional system,
natural stocking occurs as tidal water is let into the fields. Over the past 15 years,
shrimp culture yields have been increased through stocking, the control of predatory
species and limited feeding and fertilization. In well-managed systems, the rotational
cultivation of rice prevents the accumulation of excess nutrients in pond soils while also
increasing yields and reducing fertilizer costs. The simultaneous culture of fish and
crustaceans with rice often increases rice yields, particularly on poorer soils and in
unfertilized crops, probably because the fertilization effect of fish is greatest under
these conditions.
In India, integrated rice-fish systems combined with vegetable or fruit crops have been
reported to improve economic benefits twelvefold over traditional rice farming.
Globally, integrated farming systems are receiving increasing attention. In Argentina,
Brazil, Haiti, Panama and Peru, the technical feasibility of rice-fish farming is being
studied. Concurrent and rotational cultivation of fish and crustaceans with rice are also
attracting interest in economically advanced countries: in Louisiana in the United States,
about 50 000 tonnes of high-value crayfish are produced concurrently with rice; in Spain,
current crayfish production in rice-fields is in the order of 5 000 tonnes and the
potential of tilapia-rice cultivation is being explored; and in Italy, the University of
Bologna is examining the revival of fish-rice cultivation for ecological and economic
reasons after it had been discontinued during the Second World War.
FIGURE 19
RICE-FISH AREA AND FISH PRODUCTION IN CHINA
The extent of potential efficiency gains from integrated farming systems
may be gauged by a report of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research citing a
twelve-fold increase in economic benefits from integrated rice-fish systems combined with
vegetable or fruit crops grown on the bunds, as compared with traditional rice farming.36
Globally, the area of irrigated rice-fields is estimated to be 81 million ha, 90
percent of which are in Asia. At present, only a fraction of this area is being utilized
for rice-fish and rice-crustacean farming, especially in China (1.2 million ha), Egypt
(173 000 ha), Indonesia (138 000 ha), Madagascar (13 400 ha), Thailand (25 000 ha) and
Viet Nam (40 000 ha in the Mekong delta only). Particularly noteworthy is the case of
China, where rice-fish area and fish production have moved from very low levels in the
early 1980s to over 1.2 million ha in recent years (Figure 19). Precise area data are not
available for a number of other countries where rice-fish/crustacean farming is known to
be practised, such as Bangladesh, Cambodia, India and the Lao Peoples Democratic
Republic (see Box 3). In addition to the stocking of hatchery-reared seed, the capture of
wild species is common in many countries where seed is supplied naturally with water
intake. In Thailand, for example, wild fish capture is carried out on nearly 3 million ha
of rice-fields.37
BANGLADESH: PRAWN FARMING IN MODIFIED
The cultivation of freshwater prawns in modified rice-fields, referred to as
ghers, is a recent development in Bangladesh and one which was genuinely originated by
farmers. Ghers are often constructed in beels, the local term for seasonal, open water
bodies which often encompass low-lying agricultural land. They are also formed by adapting
existing rice-fields. The fields are stocked around May with post-larval prawns, and these
are usually harvested from November to January. Rice is generally cultivated in the
central plateaus of the ghers during the dry season from February until May. Fish are
usually farmed with the prawns but are harvested throughout the year.
Prawns are a highly valued product on the international market and their
production therefore has the potential to increase subsistence farmers incomes
considerably. However, there are certain constraints that need to be overcome, including a
lack of basic knowledge regarding prawn and fish cultivation methods in gher environments;
an insufficient knowledge of IPM and rice cultivation techniques compatible with prawn and
fish cultivation; the need for the development of lower-cost prawn feed to reduce the
current, heavy dependence on natural, decreasing supplies of snails which have been the
standard feed since the inception of prawn cultivation in gher systems; access to
lower-cost and high-quality post larvae from prawn hatcheries to reduce what is almost a
total reliance on wild post larvae at present; the development of methods to maximize use
and income from dykes; and improved financial planning and management skills.
These and other issues will be explored by a CARE-funded
project entitled Greater Options for Local Development from Aquaculture (GOLDA).
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THE LAO PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC:
RICE-FISH FARMING
The Lao Peoples Democratic Republic has extensive water resources in the
form of rivers, lakes and wetlands. Fisheries and the collection of aquatic animals during
the rainy season are major activities and fish is an important part of the national diet.
Rice cultivation is widespread in rainfed, irrigated and terraced fields. Usually one crop
is cultivated per year although, in irrigated areas, two crops are possible.
In upland rainfed fields, bunds are often raised to increase water depth for fish
culture. In some cases, a small channel is constructed to facilitate capture. In the
Mekong River plain, rice-fish farming is practised in rainfed rice-fields where soils are
relatively impermeable and in irrigated rice-fields that offer ideal conditions for fish
culture. As is the case elsewhere, there are few reliable data available concerning
production levels from rice-fish farming but annual production volumes of 125 to 240 kg
per ha have been reported for upland rice-fish systems. Carp, tilapia and other species
cultured in this system are mainly produced for home consumption.
While rice-fish farming is popular with farmers, certain constraints need to be
addressed: pesticide use needs to be reduced through IPM practices and the availability of
fingerlings should be improved, as must farmers access to credit.
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Integrated pest management
From the point of view of IPM, fish culture and rice farming are complementary
activities because fish reduce pest populations.
Generally, integrated pest management (IPM) practices are recommended for rice-fish
farming. The use of pest- and disease-resistant rice varieties is encouraged to minimize
the use of pesticide. In rice monoculture, the chance of pests reaching a population level
that economically justifies definite control action is usually low, and the potential
income to be gained by integrating fish production shifts the economic threshold to a
level that is even less likely to justify pest control. From the point of view of IPM,
fish culture and rice farming are complementary activities because it has been shown that
fish reduce pest populations. In Indonesia, evidence from the Inter-country Programme for
Integrated Pest Control in Rice in South and Southeast Asia shows that the number of
pesticide applications in rice-fields can be drastically reduced through IPM. Such a
reduction not only lowers costs but also eliminates an important constraint to the
adoption of fish farming. With savings on pesticides and additional earnings from fish
sales, increases in net income on rice-fish farms are reported to be significantly higher
than on rice monoculture farms by widely varying margins of 7 to 65 percent.38
In Viet Nam, recent experiments have demonstrated the effectiveness of carp as a means
of biological control of snails, both in rice-fields and communal water reservoirs. In the
Republic of Korea, researchers are focusing on the impact that indigenous fish species
have on malaria vectors in rice-fields.39
Efficient use of water resources
In economic terms, water use efficiency may be measured by the net economic benefits
attained per unit of water. Fish and crustaceans are grown in artificial water bodies such
as village tanks, reservoirs and channels whose primary purpose is water abstraction,
storage and transport for use in agriculture and/or power generation and as
drinking-water. Engineering details of construction as well as seasonal water abstraction
and use schedules can influence the potential of these structures for fish xproduction.
For example, rapid drawdowns in reservoirs may cause the loss of vital spawning habitat,
thereby limiting fish production.
Under irrigated conditions, water losses associated with evaporation and seepage can be
minimized by applying drip irrigation and by storing and transporting water in covered or
underground structures. Since such measures impede fish production, however, the
advantages of preventing water evaporation need to be compared with the economic and
nutritional benefits derived from fish. Except for in arid and semi-arid areas, water
scarcity and evaporation rates may be too low to justify the cost of installing closed
systems and forgoing the opportunities offered by fish production.
Apart from the production of fish, the benefits gained through enhanced fish culture in
reservoirs and channels often derive also from the maintenance of water quality and the
physical functions of these bodies. Stocking with grass carp, for example, controls
aquatic weeds in irrigation channels, thereby facilitating water flow and reducing
evaporation rates during water transport. Stocking and fish culture can also reduce human
health hazards caused by mosquitoes and other insects. Moreover, fish can be used to
harvest certain plankton species and aquatic weeds, and thus indirectly reduce nutrient
levels, thereby minimizing the harmful effects of eutrophication.
Use of biocides
The extent to which fish are able to tolerate pesticides and herbicides is an indicator
of the potential human health hazards associated with the use of these products.
The extent to which fish are able to tolerate pesticides and herbicides, including
their residues, is an acknowledged indicator of the potential human health hazards
associated with the use of these products in agriculture. Significant advancements have
been made in recent decades in limiting undesired harmful effects of chemicals applied for
pest and weed control. In fact, the negative impact of biocides on fisheries is often
caused not so much by their use but rather by their inappropriate application, which may
have wide-ranging effects on fish and other aquatic organisms. Mortality is not the only
negative effect; equally serious consequences of biocide misuse include changes in an
organisms reproduction system, metabolism and growth patterns, in food availability
and in population size and numbers, etc. If biocides are applied according to
prescription, the risks for fish and fisheries can be minimized. Many governments have
established lists of recommended pesticides and herbicides and have laid down regulations
on imports and domestic production, while extension programmes and training of farmers in
their correct use have expanded. All these measures help to reduce the risks of pest and
weed control for fisheries and human health.
Eutrophication
Nutrient runoff from fertilized agricultural fields and urban and industrial sewage
discharge are the two main causes of nutrient enrichment of inland waters, near-shore
marine waters and semi-enclosed water bodies such as the Mediterranean and Black Seas. The
fisheries potential of nutrient-poor water bodies may initially increase owing to the
enhanced availability of nutrients associated with agricultural runoff and other effluent,
as has most likely happened in the Mediterranean Sea, which historically has been a
nutrient-poor water body. Overloading or excessive nutrient enrichment, however, can
result in eutrophication, which may severely affect the reproduction, growth and survival
of fish and other aquatic organisms by creating anaerobic conditions and by causing
physical damage and intoxication associated with the occurrence of harmful algal blooms.
Increasingly frequent occurrences and larger sizes of harmful, sometimes toxic, algal
blooms in coastal marine waters have caused substantial losses to coastal fisheries and
aquaculture over the last two decades.
Compared with human and industrial sewage discharges, the contribution of agriculture
to nutrient loading may often be relatively small, but it is not insignificant. This seems
to be illustrated by the experience with Lake Constance: the introduction of sewage water
treatment systems in the Austrian, German and Swiss communities and towns around this lake
over the past 20 years has led to a significant reduction in the lakes nutrient
loading. Over the same period, no significant reduction in agricultural runoff has
occurred.
Alterations in hydrological systems
Artificial dams, reservoirs, embankments and channels have generated considerable
economic benefits, yet modifications in hydrological systems have also reduced natural
fish populations and hence catches and incomes from fishing.
Many of the worlds large and small river basins have undergone major
human-induced changes in their hydrological regimes over the past 40 to 50 years. In some
European river systems, such as the Rhine, control measures were taken as far back as 100
years ago or more. The construction of dams, reservoirs, embankments, barrages and
channels for purposes of water abstraction and storage, flood control, power generation
and irrigation have produced large economic benefits. In some cases, these changes have
also yielded large gains for fisheries in reservoirs, such as in Lake Kariba in Africa, as
well as in irrigated rice-fields whose full fisheries potential still remains to be
realized in many parts of the world.
In many other instances, modifications in hydrological systems have caused drastic
declines in natural fish populations and dramatically reduced fish catches and incomes
from fishing. In some cases where fish migration routes and spawning and nursery areas
have been lost, species have become extinct. In many rivers of Europe, for example, wild
stocks of salmon, sturgeon and Allis shad no longer exist.
Agricultural ecosystems such as seasonal floodplains and coastal wetlands provide
essential habitat for fish and serve as repositories of aquatic biodiversity.
Past experiences have greatly improved scientific knowledge regarding the short-term
and long-term consequences of different designs and features of structural alterations to
river basin hydrology. This expertise can now bear fruit by preserving the essential
ecological features that sustain wild fish stocks and/or create optimal conditions for
fish production in new reservoirs and channels. According to current ideas in the field of
integrated water resources management (IWRM), agricultural ecosystems such as seasonal
floodplains, coastal wetlands and estuaries provide essential permanent or seasonal
habitat for fish and serve as repositories of aquatic biodiversity.40 Wetlands are also
important fish nurseries.
Soil and groundwater salination
Shrimp culture has been associated with reduced agricultural yields where soil
conditions allow saline water to seep into adjacent fields, although there have been
numerous experiences of the beneficial coexistence of coastal aquaculture and agriculture,
including rice-shrimp systems.
In general, most culture-based fisheries and aquaculture acitivities have no or few
significant negative environmental effects and are highly complementary to agriculture.
However, shrimp culture practices have been associated with reduced agricultural yields in
certain localities where soil conditions allowed saline water to seep through embankments
and pond bottoms into adjacent fields. In addition, excessive abstraction of groundwater
for various purposes such as agriculture, domestic water supply, industrial activities
and, in some cases, shrimp culture, is causing seawater intrusion into coastal aquifers.
Appropriate planning and allocation of land and water resources in coastal areas can help
minimize the degradation of groundwater and soil quality resulting from salination.
Furthermore, there have been numerous experiences of the beneficial coexistence of coastal
aquaculture and agriculture; for example, the rotational systems of rice-fish or
rice-shrimp culture, where advantage is taken of saltwater-resistant paddy, an abundant
freshwater influx in the rainy season and the opportunity to cultivate brackishwater
aquaculture species.
PICTURE 7
Local children fishing from a rice-field in Madagascar
In Madagascar, 13 000 ha of irrigated rice-fields are used for
integrated rice and fish production.
APPROACHES TO BETTER INTEGRATION
Extension and training are crucial for informed decision-making; if farmers have the
right skills and access to the necessary inputs, they will adopt the farming and
aquaculture system that is most suitable and advantageous for their specific case.
Human resource development and institutional strengthening are widely held to be the
principal requirements for improving integration at the level of individual farms and
communities, in river basin and coastal area management and at the level of sectoral and
macroeconomic policies. At the farm level, attention needs to focus first on resource use
efficiency and the economic incentives that influence farmers when they decide on cropping
patterns and the use of water, fertilizer, pesticides and herbicides and other inputs.
Next, the emphasis should be on farmers knowledge of available production and pest
management options as well as on their ability to apply these. Agriculture and aquaculture
offer a large variety of cropping patterns under different climatic and soil conditions.
If they have the right skills, together with access to the necessary inputs, farmers will
adopt the farming or aquaculture system that is most suitable and economically
advantageous for their specific situation. Extension and training are crucial for informed
decision-making, and physical infrastructure, efficient input markets and credit
facilities are indispensable for the optimal development and integration of farming and
aquaculture systems.
Markets for certain important natural resource inputs, such as water, and the
environments capacity to assimilate effluent are often entirely non-existent or
distorted because of their common property or open-access nature. The levying of use fees
and/or the introduction of tradable rights have been suggested to achieve a higher level
of efficiency in the use of water and other natural resources such as wild fish stocks.
Resource management through such market-based instruments can entail high administrative
costs because of the need to monitor individual farmers resource use and to
institute well-defined and enforceable individual user rights. Where tradable rights are
applicable, they may reinforce an inequitable distribution of incomes and assets,
especially where other services (e.g. for credit) are inefficient.
The alternative approaches of comanagement and community-based management of common
property resources have received increasing attention in recent years because of their
assumed greater efficiency and prevention of undesired distributional implications.
Factors that users themselves have identified as being important for successful resource
management include: small group size, which facilitates the formulation, observance and
monitoring of a collective agreement; social cohesion; resource characteristics that
facilitate the exclusion of outsiders; and visible signs of successful collective
management.41
These factors could well apply to a number of fisheries in reservoirs and other small
water bodies, where the potential for self-management, however, is not utilized because
responsibility is not delegated to the local level and collective rights are not
sufficiently protected. Similar favourable conditions exist in many other situations, for
example for resources such as water and mangrove forests where, again, the potential for
effective management has yet to be realized. In addition to the recognition of common
rights, community-based and joint management need support through extension and training
services and scientific assessments of resource abundance.
At the level of river basins and coastal areas, management needs to focus on human
behaviour, not physical stocks of natural resources such as fish, land or water.
At the level of river basins and coastal areas, integration is aimed at managing
sectoral components as parts of a functional whole, explicitly recognizing that management
needs to focus on human behaviour, not physical stocks of natural resources such as fish,
land or water. Integrated river basin and coastal area management employs a multisectoral
strategic approach to the efficient allocation of scarce resources among competing uses
and the minimization of unintended natural resource and environmental effects.42 Land use planning and
zoning, together with environmental impact assessment procedures, are vital tools for
preventing the occurrence of antagonistic intersectoral interactions and for fostering
synergistic and harmonious development while preserving ecosystem functionalities. The
involvement of fisheries agencies in these activities therefore is absolutely essential.
The participation of all resource users and other stakeholders at an early stage of
land use planning is indispensable, not least because of their knowledge of local
socio-economic conditions and natural resources.
The participation of all resource users and other stakeholders at an early stage is
indispensable for effective land use planning and zoning, not least because of their
intimate knowledge of local socio-economic conditions and the state of natural resources.
At the government level, the functions of the various agencies with regulatory and
development mandates need to be well coordinated. Two broad distinctions can be made in
the wide range of possible institutional arrangements for integrated river basin and
coastal area management:
Multisectoral integration. This involves coordinating the various
agencies responsible for river basin and coastal management on the basis of a common
policy and bringing together the various government agencies concerned as well as other
stakeholders so that they can work towards common goals by following mutually agreed
strategies.
Structural integration. Here, an entirely new, integrated institutional
structure is created by placing management, development and policy initiatives within a
single institution.
Multisectoral coordination tends to be preferred, since line ministries are
typically highly protective of their core responsibilities which relate directly to their
power base and funding. The establishment of an organization with broad administrative
responsibilities overlapping the traditional jurisdictions of line ministries as
would be the case if management, policy and development functions were integrated within a
single institution is often likely to meet with resistance rather than cooperation.
Integration and coordination should be thought of as being separate but mutually
supportive.43
However, a caveat has arisen from experiences to date. Integrated planning and
institutional coordination are often difficult to achieve and can entail significant
costs. The difficulties and costs relate to the often cumbersome bureaucratic structures
and procedures of government agencies; the complexity of the scientific, technical and
economic issues involved; and the potentially large number of informed decisions that need
to be taken. In addition to high administrative costs, the decision-making process could
be protracted and may slow down economic development.
Many river basin and coastal management issues can be addressed through sound sectoral
management, but taking into full account the impacts of and interdependencies with other
sectors and ecosystem processes;44
the provision and enforcement of environmental legislation; the need for a transparent and
consultative process of land use planning and siting; and the design of major
infrastructure projects such as dams. The costs of a formal process for the preparation of
a river basin or coastal area management plan are always likely to be justified in areas
where intense multisectoral resource utilization either exists or is planned.
The advantages of subsidizing chemical inputs need to be weighed against the harm they
can do to aquatic environments and to fishery resources, which provide food for fishers
and fish consumers alike.
At the macrolevel, economic policies such as subsidies for production inputs and import
and export duties can have profound impacts on the characteristics and level of resource
use as well as on the occurrence of undesirable environmental effects. The advantages of
subsidizing chemical inputs such as fertilizer and pesticides need to be weighted against
the potential harm they can do to aquatic environments and to fishery resources, which
provide food for fishers and fish consumers alike.
CONCLUSION
Modern advances in information and data processing technologies have dramatically
increased the capacity of humans to analyse complex multiple resource-use options and to
link up large numbers of people into integrated decision-making structures. At the same
time, new research findings have greatly broadened the understanding of local
communities ability to coordinate common property resource use while maintaining
their essential social and cultural attributes. Finally, governments have become more
aware of sectoral and environmental interdependencies. Such all-round progress has created
conditions favourable to the full realization of benefits resulting from the enhanced
integration of fisheries and agriculture as well as their integration with the rest of the
economy.
NOTES
1 The term undernourishment is used throughout
this section to define a situation of inadequate food availability. It should not be
equated with undernutrition which is the result not only of an inadequate food
intake but also of the insufficient utilization of food by the body, particulary as a
result of health disorders.
2 For the period 1990-92, the new estimate of undernourished
people worldwide is 822 million. This differs from the earlier estimate of 840 million
reported for the same period at the World Food Summit and in The State of Food and
Agriculture 1997, mainly because of retrospective downward revisions in the UN
estimates of total population figures for some critical countries. These revisions also
made it necessary to revise estimates of the number of undernourished for past periods,
leading to slight adjustments for a number of countries. It should be noted that the
changes shown for the early 1990s are based on the assumption that the coefficient of
variation of intracountry food distribution remained constant between 1990-92 and 1994-96.
3 For certain indicators, data are not available for all
98 countries.
4 Increasing numbers of people in rural areas are involved in
economic activities outside agriculture, as discussed in Part III of this issue, entitled
Rural non-farm income in developing countries.
5 This report is based on information available as of May
1998. Current information on the global cereal supply and demand situation can be found in
FAOs bimonthly Food Outlook.
6 The broad definition of agriculture includes agriculture,
forestry, fisheries, land and water management, agro-industries, environment,
manufacturing of agricultural inputs and machinery, regional and river development and
rural development.
7 The narrow definition of agriculture includes only
agriculture (crops and animal husbandry), forestry, fisheries and development of land and
water resources.
8 Based on information available from the World Food Programme
(WFP) as of May 1998.
9 While cereal shipments are monitored on a July/June basis,
shipments of non-cereals are monitored on a calendar year basis.
10 This report is based on information available as of May
1998. Current information on cereal prices can be found in FAOs bimonthly Food
Outlook.
11 Unless otherwise specified, economic estimates and
forecasts in this section are from IMF. 1998. World Economic Outlook. Washington, DC.
12 Such a positive overall view of global economic prospects
is shared by most major specialized centres and agencies, which had forecast the current
economic slowdown to be less pronounced than those of the mid-1970s, early 1980s and early
1990s. However, the highly tentative nature of any economic forecast in the current fluid
situation must again be emphasized. The same caveat holds with regard to
agricultural market assumptions, which are notoriously subject to uncertainty.
13 These agricultural forecasts were prepared for FAO by the
Institute for Policy Analysis, University of Toronto, Canada, associated with the Project
LINK economic forecast model.
14 Food imports account for 25 percent or more of total export
earnings for each of these 31 countries, which are a subgroup of the traditional
FAO-defined group of LIFDCs. The subgroup includes: Afghanistan, Bangladesh,
Cambodia, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Comoros, Djibouti, Dominican Republic, Egypt,
Ethiopia, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, The Lao Peoples Democratic Republic,
Lesotho, Maldives, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Nepal, Nicaragua, Rwanda, Samoa, Senegal,
Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sri Lanka, the Sudan, Togo and Yemen.
15 The limited impact of the crisis on these economies
reflects their lack of integration with the world economy and, in particular, the small
role played by private capital flows in many of them (Egypt, where high growth rates in
recent years were fuelled by private investment, being an exception). In sub-Saharan
Africa, where a majority (17 out of 31 countries) of this group are located, private
investment only accounts for about two-thirds of total investment. This region only
attracts 2 to 3 percent of total world foreign direct investment.
16 US Bureau of the Census. (April)1998. International
Programs Center.
17 UN. 1997. World urbanization prospects: the 1996
revision. New York, UN Secretariat Population Division.
18 Strictly speaking, city is not the same as
urban. An urban area is defined differently from one country to the next, but
usually by the number of its inhabitants. In Senegal, an urban area must have 10 000
inhabitants, while in Peru an urban area is an agglomeration of at least a few hundred
people. A city is an urban area, usually defined by the size of its population, but it is
also a complex of economic, social and other activities implying a different mode of
living than that typical of the countryside.
19 All population and urbanization projections have been drawn
from UN, op. cit., note 17.
20 Asaduzzaman. 1989. Cited in D. Drakakis-Smith. 1992. Food
production and under-nutrition in the Third World. Hunger Notes, 18(2): 5-6.
21 World Bank. 1991. Urban policy and economic development.
Washington, DC.
22 IFPRI. 1996. Urban challenges to nutrition security: a
review of food security, health and care in the cities (unpublished manuscript).
Washington, DC.
23 Tabatabai (1993), Gebre (1993), Maxwell (1995) et al. Cited
in IFPRI, op. cit., note 22.
24 UN. 1995. The challenge of urbanization. New York.
25 According to IFPRI, op. cit., note 22, urban food
distribution problems have been identified in Mittendorf and Abbott (1979) and
Lourenco-Lindell (1995), but most research on urban food systems has been
location-specific and viewed from the narrow perspective of certain actors. FAOs
Programme on Food Supply and Distribution to Cities is contributing to a deeper
understanding of the issues through case studies (in progress).
26 Exceptions are the wholesale market of Bouaké, a city of
about 300 000 inhabitants in Côte dIvoire, and the wholesale fresh fish market of
Dakar, Senegal.
27 FAO. Analysis of food marketing in the large
cities of the developing world (forthcoming).
28 National Report on Implementation of the World Food
Summit Plan of Action. Mauritania, January 1998.
29 See, for example, a review of Indonesias interesting
price information system, by A. Sheperd and A.J.F. Schalke in FAO. 1995. An
assessment of the Indonesian Horticultural Market Information Service. Rome.
30 A household food consumption survey undertaken in
northeastern Thailand, for example, has revealed that fish consumption was five to six
times higher than reported fish catches from the Mekong River. See Mekong Fisheries
Network Newsletter, August 1996, 2(1).
31 FAO. 1997. Technical guidelines for responsible
fisheries. No. 6. Inland Fisheries. Rome.
32 The development of agriculture implies that at least a
minimum amount of physical and institutional infrastructure has already been developed,
Kapetsky and Nath conclude that, in general, the conditions encouraging agriculture favour
aquaculture development and vice versa. This fact has been used by these authors and by
Aguilar-Manjarrez and Nath in their estimates of aquaculture potential in Africa and Latin
America. See J.M. Kapetsky and S.S. Nath in FAO. 1997. A strategic assessment of
the potential for freshwater fish farming in Latin America. COPESCAL Technical Paper
No. 10. Rome; and J. Aguilar-Manjarrez and S.S. Nath in FAO. 1998. A strategic
reassessment of fish farming potential in Africa. CIFA Technical Paper No. 32. Rome.
33 Many examples of traditional management of water resources
and other common property or common pool resources can be found in National Academy Press.
1986. Proceedings of the Conference on Common Property Resource Management.
Washington, DC.
34 Network of Aquaculture Centres in Asia and the Pacific
(NACA). 1989. Integrated fish farming in China. Technical Manual No. 7.
35 A recent review of the trends in rice-fish farming is
provided by M. Halwart. 1998. Trends in rice-fish farming. In FAO Aquaculture
Newsletter, 18: 3-11.
36 K.C. Mathur. 1996. Rainfed lowlands become remunerative
through rice-fish systems. Indian Council of Agricultural Research News, 2(1): 1-3.
37 Halwart, op. cit., note 35.
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid.
40 A comprehensive discussion on this issue took place during
the Expert Group Meeting on Strategic Approaches to Freshwater Management, organized by
the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs and held in Harare, Zimbabwe, 27-30
January 1998.
41 See E. Ostrom. 1990. Governing the commons. The
evolution of institutions for collective action. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University
Press; and J.-M. Baland and J.-P. Platteau. 1996. Halting degradation of natural
resources. Is there a role for local communities? Published for FAO by Oxford
University Press (Clarendon academic imprint), UK.
42 Scura Fallon. 1994. Typological framework and strategy
elements for integrated coastal fisheries management. FAO/UNOP Project
INT/91/007. Field document 2. Rome.
43 For this and other aspects of integration, such as conflict
management and economic valuation of natural resources, see the detailed discussion in
FAO. 1998. Integrated coastal area management and agriculture, forestry and fisheries.
Edited by N. Scialabba. Rome.
44 This has been named enhanced sectoral
management in a recent survey of coastal management programmes. See S. Olsen, K.
Lowry, J. Tobey, P. Burbridge and S. Humphrey. 1997. Survey of current purposes and
methods for evaluating coastal management projects and programs funded by international
donors. Coastal Management Report No. 2200. Coastal Resources Center, University of
Rhode Island, USA. A detailed discussion of integration aspects with respect to
inland fisheries is provided in U. Barg, I.G. Dunn, T. Petr and R.L. Welcomme. 1996.
Inland fisheries. In A.K. Biswas, ed. Water Resources - Environmental planning, management
and development. New York, McGraw-Hill.
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