Beyond Lomé IV
Future Relations between the EU and the ACP Countries
NGO Discussion Document, March 1997
Chapter 1 - The main issues for NGOs and how the Green Paper relates to
them
Common objectives for equitable and sustainable development
NGOs will judge the new partnership between the EU and ACP countries according to how
clearly and effectively it addresses the fundamental problems facing people in the south
and meets their aspirations. They will judge it by whether it leads to effective action
against poverty and for social development. They will judge it by whether it addresses
gender inequalities and promotes the rights of women. They will judge it by whether it
supports human rights and environmental sustainability. Action to achieve this must give a
central place to civil society. It must also take full account of the development problems
created by international debt, globalisation of the economy and trade liberalisation and
Northern macro-economic policies.
These concerns are not those of NGOs alone. In the UN Summits at Rio, Vienna, Cairo,
Copenhagen and Beijing, the international community including the EU and its Member States
made commitments to support sustainable, human-centred development objectives. The EU
itself has since 1992 built up a body of progressive policy texts. The Maastricht
Treaty led to development cooperation becoming an official objective of the European
Union. Among the objectives adopted are "the sustainable economic and social
development of the developing countries", `the smooth and gradual integration of the
developing countries into the world economy' and `the campaign against poverty in the
developing countries'; as well as "the general objectives of developing and
consolidating democracy and the rule of law, (...) respecting human rights and fundamental
freedoms'. Since then, the Council Declaration on "Aspects of Development
Co-operation Policy in the Run-up to 2000" of November 1992 and subsequent
Resolutions on the fight against poverty, gender and development, food security and other
issues have developed these objectives further, largely in a positive sense. The challenge
now is to put these good resolutions into practice in the Union's development approach in
the coming years.
The Green Paper and Poverty Eradication
Unfortunately, while the Green Paper does make some references to the recommendations
of UN Summits, it does not base its central argument on them. Its central emphasis on
integrating the ACP countries into the world economy, even when coupled with a poverty
focus in statements like "the European Union's primary concern must be the
integration of the poor into the economic and social life and the integration of the ACP
countries into the world economy", points up the potential contradiction between the
two Maastricht objectives of fighting poverty and world market integration. NGOs and their
partners have often experienced globalisation and economic liberalisation as destructive
and poverty-creating. Consequently NGOs would argue that the EU should clearly give an
overriding priority to poverty eradication.
Despite being a signatory to the Declaration and Programme of Action of the World
Summit for Social Development, which refers to poverty eradication, the Commission
continues to refer to poverty reduction in the Green Paper. Although the "campaign
against poverty" is regarded as one of the main objectives of EU development
cooperation, there is no real analysis in the Green Paper of how poverty can be reduced
(let alone eradicated) except as a result of economic growth and the integration of
developing countries into the world economy. This is somewhat surprising as the the
resolution on Human and Social Development (adopted by the Council in December 1996) gives
very clear indications of how poverty can be tackled through an approach which enhances
human capital. Such an approach could have been a basis for proposals in the Green Paper,
which could also have incorporated the targets set out in the DAC document "Shaping
the 21st Century".
Policy Coherence
A key issue that is relevant here, policy coherence, is largely ducked in the Green
Paper. Article 130v of the Maastricht Treaty states that the Community 'shall take account
of (development cooperation) objectives in the policies that it implements which are
likely to affect developing countries'. Particularly important here are trade policy, the
Common Agricultural Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy. The Common Foreign and
Security Policy, which is not a Community policy, is also of obvious importance for
development. Article C states that the Union 'shall ensure the consistency of its external
activities as a whole in the context of its external relations, security , economic and
development policies'.
The Green Paper only briefly addresses the issue of coherence in the broadest sense. It
recognizes the importance of consistency of policies and the complementarity and
coordination of the EU's and Member States' policies. Regarding coherence in the strict
sense - the external effects of policies other than development coooperation - the Paper
states that this "can in any case never become an international commitment on the
part of the Community" and "always remains a matter of political
judgement". It is disappointing that the Green Paper then simply reaffirms the
conclusions of the 1994 and 1995 Development Councils that Council and Commission will
continue to raise inconsistencies case-by-case. NGOs have proposed institutional
mechanisms to avoid, report and remedy inconsistent policies that go beyond this reactive
and ad hoc approach (see recommendations).
Decisive action to reduce the ACP countries' debt burden is another vital issue not
addressed in the Green Paper.
Chapter 3 returns to the coherence issue.
Economic reform and structural adjustment
There is also an apparent lack of questioning of the EU's support for structural
adjustment, which has not led to sustainable and equitable development. In many countries
undergoing economic reform,
* poverty is growing
* unemployment and inequality are increasing
* women are facing growing impoverishment
* and the debt burden is rising in many low- and middle-income countries.
One example of the social effects of structural adjustment: "In January 1994, 14
countries in the CFA zone in Africa devalued their currency overnight by 50%. Other
adjustment policies held down wages in these countries, so local purchasing power was hit
hard, thereby undermining any pick-up in production. A year after the CFA devaluation,
newspapers in Senegal reported inflation rates for that country of more than 60%, with
peak levels at 120% for certain daily consumer goods in the food and health sectors. Women
in the Kaolack region reported a drastic change in eating habits, with they and their
families forced to choose between reducing the proportion of the budget allocated for food
and foregoing expenses related to health care, schooling, rent or household repair. They
report that prices are so high that women cannot purchase basic goods even if they are
available in the market." (The Development GAP, "The Ignored Costs of
Adjustment: Women under SAPs in Africa).
Partnership Relations
Another key issue in reading the Green Paper is the type of partnership relation
between the EU and the ACP. Here there seems to be a major inconsistency between what the
Commission expects on the one hand from its own policy and on the other from the ACP side.
Under the heading that a stronger political relationship between the EU and the ACP is
needed to breath new life into the partnership, the Green Paper pleads for a more explicit
and more effective commitment. The ACP is supposed to be committed "to push through
institutional reforms and conduct economic, social and environmental policies" agreed
at the UN Summits in the past five years: furthermore, these must be "the foundation
of the new partnership" (p. vi). No such obligation is expressed on the EU side. This
could have been an opportunity to affirm the EU's own commitments made at the summits from
Rio onwards, for example to contribute towards global sustainability by moving towards
sustainable consumption patterns at home.
The Commission continues to reinforce this impression of unilateral agenda-setting in
the next paragraph. It states that based on such a mutual political commitment issues like
domestic security, migration, the fight against drug trafficking, etc. need to be
established as the principal subjects of the dialogue with ACP countries. For many
analysts and people in ACP countries these problems are rather the symptoms of deeper
rooted problems related to poverty, social insecurity, indebtedness, etc. and the related
policies of governments, locally and in the North, and their institutions.
It would also have been welcome to have some discussion of the type of institutions
which have to be created to facilitate political dialogue and partnership. For example,
how can the experience of the Joint Assembly be used to set up a form of dialogue that is
both democratic and effective? Creative forms will have to be thought up for a dialogue
which is two-way and transparent and involves civil society and the private sector.
Gender and Development
The Green Paper takes a step backwards on gender and development issues. In its
overview of global changes affecting ACP/EU relations, past experience of ACP/EU
cooperation, there is no attempt to incorporate gender analysis. In its discussion of
limiting factors and potential for socio-economic change in ACP states, there is no
analysis of gender differences and disparities. In its blueprint for future ACP/EU
Relations, for a new partnership, new approaches to EU cooperation and new practice in
financial and technical cooperation, similarly, there is no attempt to integrate the
general principles for gender sensitive development cooperation. There are some references
to women and women's role in poverty reduction and socio-economic change. For the most
part, these reflect old-fashioned 'women in development' thinking, and adopt a rather
instrumental approach to women's enormous contribution to the development process.
There is no explicit commitment, in the Green Paper, to promoting and protecting
women's rights through European development cooperation policies and practice. Neither is
a commitment, on the European Union's part, to implement the agreements made at Vienna,
Cairo, Copenhagen or Beijing.
In short, the Green Paper does not reflect existing European Union policy on gender and
development, as expressed in the 1995 Resolution of the Council of Ministers. It is proof
that little real progress has been made towards mainstreaming gender analysis.
Chapter 4 below takes up this central issue.
Go to Contents Page /Chapter 2/Chapter 3/Chapter 4/Chapter
5/Chapter 6 / Chapter 7
Updated on April 3, 1997
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