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IS NATO WITHIN THE LAWS OF WAR WHEN IT BOMBS CIVILIANS?
- Date: Tue, 18 May 1999 18:54:46 -0400 (EDT)
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Tue, 18 May 1999 11:40:06 -0700
From: Sid Shniad <shniad@sfu.ca>
To: ccpa@policyalternatives.ca
Subject: IS NATO WITHIN THE LAWS OF WAR WHEN IT BOMBS CIVILIANS?
The Globe and Mail May 18, 1999
IS NATO WITHIN THE LAWS OF WAR WHEN IT BOMBS CIVILIANS?
It's not enough for the military alliance to point to
Slobodan Milosevic's criminality; NATO's announcement
that it would resort to "area bombing" comes close to
knowingly violating international humanitarian law.
By Irwin Cotler, Montreal
The systematic and widespread policy and practice of Serbian
ethnic cleansing in Kosovo — forcible confinement,
disappearances, torching of villages, mass deportations, murder,
rape — are not only standing violations of the laws and customs of
war, but crimes against humanity committed against the civilian
Kosovar population; and the perpetrators of these international
crimes, including Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, are
personally liable for these Nuremberg offences.
But the laws of war — the international humanitarian law — apply
to all states and belligerents, not just to the Serbs. Therefore, even
if the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's bombing campaign can
be justified under the doctrine of humanitarian intervention (the use
of force to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe), the "collateral
damage" from these attacks — such as the horrific missile attacks
on civilian targets, including civilian vehicles, a hospital complex
and the Chinese embassy, and the recent bombing of a Kosovo
village, killing some 100 ethnic Albanians — is also subject to the
principles of customary international law. Among them are these:
Weapons and means of warfare must not cause "superfluous
injury" or "unnecessary suffering" (the quoted words are from the
1949 Geneva Conventions), or cause severe damage to the
environment.
Attacks against civilians or civilian objects are expressly prohibited
under the principle of civilian immunity, which requires that
stringent safeguards be taken even when carrying out attacks
against military objectives.
As a corollary, there is a clear prohibition against "indiscriminate"
attacks — those that may be expected to cause incidental loss of
civilian life, injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects that
would be excessive in relation to the concrete military objective.
Warring parties, such as NATO, bear a particular responsibility for
the bombing of densely populated areas, such as Belgrade. These
include taking precautions to verify that targets are not civilian
objects; and to guard against "indiscriminate" warfare such as area
bombing — including the use of cluster bombs — in populated
areas with its collateral civilian injury and loss of life.
The NATO announcement that it would resort to "area bombing" in
Belgrade — coming as it did shortly after the NATO summit of
April 25, at which the alliance decided to intensify the bombing
while acknowledging the enhanced risk to civilians — comes
perilously close to NATO knowingly violating international human-
itarian law. The disclaimer by NATO Secretary-General Javier
Solana, that Mr Milosevic is fully responsible for everything that
follows from these attacks, cannot serve as an exculpatory defence.
Indeed, several recent NATO bombing attacks have arguably
violated the basic principles of international humanitarian law, and
haven't been validated by the horrific crimes of Mr. Milosevic or the
legality of humanitarian intervention to stop them. As Mary
Robinson, the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rights,
recently put it: "In the NATO bombing . . . large numbers of
civilians have been incontestably killed, [and] civilian installations
targeted on the basis that they are or could be of military
applications." These include:
The mistaken bombing of civilian targets, including a civilian
passenger train, a civilian refugee vehicle and a hospital complex,
where high-flying pilots are unable to verify the military nature of
the target and do not take all feasible precautions to avoid civilian
deaths and injuries;
The politically motivated destruction of civilian factories and
other property belonging to supporters of Slobodan Milosevic that
appear to have no requisite "concrete and direct military
advantage";
Attacks on Yugoslavia's civilian electrical transformers, where the
severe consequences to civilians outweigh any marginal military
benefit;
The intentional use of cluster bombs whose submunitions
(bomblets) do not explode on impact but remain live long enough
to create a grave, and lingering, danger for the civilian population
— the equivalent of using and-personnel land mines;
The repeated bombing of television and broadcast facilities,
where NATO has not alleged that they were being used for military
purposes or to incite violence;
Sustained bombing attacks on oil chemical and pharmaceutical
targets that, according to environmental experts, have caused
serious damage to the ecosystem, outweighing any military value.
None of this is intended to suggest any false moral equivalence
between Slobodan Milosevic and NATO, or to ignore or obscure
the horrific crimes against humanity committed by Mr. Milosevic
and his fellow war criminals. It is only to underscore that
international humanitarian law applies to all the parties. NATO can-
not claim immunity for any breaches of that law because of Mr.
Milosevic's criminality. NATO leaders should bear that in mind as
they continue their intensified bombing campaign, including area
bombing — particularly after their NATO summit communique
itself acknowledged that their intensified bombing might involve
"collateral damage" to civilians.
NATO may comfort itself that few seem to have noticed this
communique or to have been sufficiently outraged by it, or by the
horrific "collateral damage" that has followed in its wake; and
NATO leaders may seek solace in the thought that they are the
forces of light against the forces of darkness. But even the forces of
light cannot violate fundamental norms of international
humanitarian law.
Irwin Cotler is a professor of law at McGill University and an
international human rights lawyer. He has written extensively on
war-crimes law.
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